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<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393599</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-12-30</datestamp>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Explaining Russian Resurgence: The Case Study of Georgia and Ukraine</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Athar Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Umair Jalal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Resurgence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NATO</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Georgia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ukraine</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This thesis is an attempt to explain the Russian resurgence: The case study of Georgia and Ukraine, with the help of theoretical framework structural realism. Russia having large territory is full of natural resources, under the leadership of Putin Russia utilized its natural resources to regain its lost position and power. In this research I tried to find out the answers of the questions: Why Russia is resurging in Georgia and Ukraine? How we can explain Russia NATO relations and what will be the future course of this relationship? This study is qualitative in nature and case study design has been used. Both Primary and secondary data is being used. This study explains the probability of emergence of the new regional powers, and alliances due to Russian resurgence that counter US and NATO role in world politics up to a certain level. Russian decision to enter into the Syrian crisis and the conflict between Turkey and Russia made my hypothesis true, that Russian resurgence lead to more conflicts between Russia and NATO. Along with all diplomatic channels and cooperation between NATO and Russia has been suspended due the Russian resurgence.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National Defence University (NDU) Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, National Defence University Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M. Phil Scholar, Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/explaining-russian-resurgence-the-case-study-of-georgia-and-ukraine</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(I-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393600</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
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<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Globalization and its Socio-Economic Impact on Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Faria Zeeshan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ali Baig</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Globalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Society</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Policy Implications</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The study involves a brief yet insightful discussion on the concept of globalization, covering different aspects of globalization. The focal point is to consider that globalization is not a new phenomenon. It further explains that globalization has taken new dimensions along with the impact that it has on the economy and society of Pakistan. The impact of globalization on every economy differs depending on its social, political and economic dimensions. The paper emphasizes on the fact that although Pakistan achieved certain gains from globalization, but the adverse effects outweighs the positive effects in certain areas. It clearly mentions how globalization has resulted in a degradation of moral norms and values of Pakistani society and how has globalization affected economic growth in Pakistan with a major focus has on trade. It concludes with how these challenges can be overcome by holding governments in charge of effective policy making.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Researcher Based in Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Scholar, National Defence University in Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/globalization-and-its-socioeconomic-impact-on-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(I-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393601</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
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<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Saudi Arabia-Israel Rapprochement: Prospects and Challenges for Iran</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zafar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zafar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Saudi Arabia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Isarael</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Iran</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Rapprochement</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The rising influence of Iran in the wake of Arab Spring threatens both Saudi Arabia and Israel. The US shares the challenge being posed by the Iranian rise. This Iranian rise has brought the three closer. The burgeoning closing of Saudi Arabia and Israel is largely shaped by this rise. However, it remains to be investigated that what is pushing Iran to expand its regional influence. The existing literature suggests it is the policy of the US in the region which gave Iran a space to expand its muscles in Middle East. However, the literature misses to study the role of changing international structure which is providing Iran an opportunity to rise where Russian and Chinese involvement have limited the hegemonic credentials of American power to support and propagate Israel and Saudi Arabia in the region. The same structure is pushing KSA and Israel closer to each other. Moreover, the paper attempts to study the possible implications Iran can face as a result of this opening up relationship.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Department of International Relations, National Defence University (NDU) Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Head, Department of Politics and IR, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National Defence University (NDU) Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/saudi-arabiaisrael-rapprochement-prospects-and-challenges-for-iran</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(I-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393602</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
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<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Impact of Pakistan-Us Relations on Afghan Peace Process</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Noor Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Umair Jalal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Karim Haider</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Afghan War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Soviet Union</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Afghan&apos;s invasion of the Soviet Union in 1979 created panic worldwide and proved a decisive moment in the international political scenario. Soviet expansionism policy when challenged the security of Pakistan, it appeared as a front - line country and the main route to provide aid for Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has analytically reviews the Pakistan&apos;s decision to join 1979 Afghan war and evaluated how it benefited economic and defense conditions of Pakistan. Simultaneously, the article presents how this Afghan war posed grave threats to security (internal as well as external) of the country due to refugees flood that resulted not only in problematic scenario with respect to the economy, politics, and society but also produced ecological difficulties. Moreover, Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, eroded soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Head, Department of Politics and IR, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Study Centre, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/impact-of-pakistanus-relations-on-afghan-peace-process</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(I-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393603</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Afghanistan Factor in Pak-US Relations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Noor Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Iqra Jathol</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Afghan War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Soviet Union</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Afghan&apos;s interference of the Soviet Union in 1979 made anger worldwide and demonstrated a definitive minute in the universal political situation. Soviet imperialism strategy when tested the security of Pakistan, it showed up as a front - line nation and the primary course to give help to Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has logically surveys the Pakistan&apos;s choice to join 1979 Afghan war and assessed how it profited financial and barrier states of Pakistan. All the while, the article exhibits how this Afghan war postured grave dangers to security (inside and additionally outer) of the nation because of outsiders surge that came about not just in complicated situation regarding the economy, governmental issues, and society yet in addition delivered organic challenges. Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, battered soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Chairperson, Department of Politics and IR, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/afghanistan-factor-in-pakus-relations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(I-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393604</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Qatar Diplomatic Crisis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fazal Rehman Kakar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Mediation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Shuttle Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Muslim Brotherhood</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Back Channel Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>GCC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Conflict Resolution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Thaw</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Interests</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Qatar diplomatic crisis depicts a worrisome future of not only GCC countries, but it has posed a serious challenge to the regional security apparatus. This Research paper analysis the diplomatic row occurred between Qatar and Saudi led camp. Research Paper intends to highlight the historical context of the rift and reasons for diplomatic crisis yet again. The forthcoming socioeconomic and Political consequences for region particularly Qatar and future of Gulf Cooperation Council. The Diplomatic case will assess various mediations offered to resolve the conflict including Shuttle diplomacy and back channel means and last part will delineate the fresh thaw in making prior to an attack on Saudi key national asset ARAMCO oil field and Saudi-led camp&apos;s participation in Qatar Football tournament.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Department of IR, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/qatar-diplomatic-crisis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2019(II-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393605</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Indo-US Collaboration in Indo-Pacific and its Implications on the Asian Region</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Usama Shehzad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sarah Ahmed Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Adnan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indo-Pacific</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The rise of a new economic giant in the Asian region i.e., China in the 21st century has made many global and regional powers stressed and the US is one of those countries which is worried about rising China in Asia and therefore, it is taking different measures to counter the rise of China in every manner. For this purpose, they have collaborated with one of the regional powers in the south of Asia i.e., India to counter China in the region. This paper focuses on the collaboration of countries i.e., India, Japan, along with Australia and the US in the Indo-Pacific region and how this collaboration would be able to serve the interests of the US in the region against China.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/indous-collaboration-in-indopacific-and-its-implications-on-the-asian-region</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2019(II-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393606</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Impacts of International Structure on the Foreign Policy of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fozia</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abida Yousaf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Imran Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Uni-Polarity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bipolarity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>MultiPolarity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Structure</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Foreign policy is one of the key tools to maintain the affairs of international relations. Foreign policy of a state is mainly shaped by domestic environment and international system. This study highlights the impacts of international structure on the foreign policy behaviour of Pakistan since 1947. During cold war period, the bi-polar world order mainly shaped the foreign policy of Pakistan. After independence, the economic, political and security challenges pushed Pakistan towards western bloc to protect its interests. Being an ally of west, Pakistan supported USA to contain the spread of communism. With the collapse of Soviet Union, the world order was shifted from bi-polarity to uni-polarity. Consequently, American supremacy shaped the world politics as a sole super power. With the start of 21st century, the incident of 9/11 and in response American invasion of Afghanistan again made Pakistani an ally of USA on their Global War on terror. Pakistan has faced serious consequences as an ally of USA. However, with the emergence of multi-polar world order, now Pakistan has opportunity to balance its relations with global powers like China, Russia and USA on the basis of mutual benefits, equality and equity.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Rawalpindi Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Chairperson, Department of Economics and Finance, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-impacts-of-international-structure-on-the-foreign-policy-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2019(II-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393607</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Assessing Economic Benefits through Waste Efficient Drivers in Mega Construction Projects: A Case of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bilal Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muneeb Asif</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Construction Waste Reduction</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Waste Efficient Bill Quantity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Effective Materials Delivery Management</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Waste disposal has become an issue worldwide and the major cause of this issue is considered to be the construction activities producing wastes. Pakistan being the 6 most populated country in the world is considered to have a huge amount of waste due to the various construction and particularly megaprojects and this amount of construction waste is increasing consistently in the country. Pakistan produces of construction waste per year and is increasing annually by 2%. These increasing wastes and issues associated with these construction wastes lead to a crucial need for improvement of waste management practices in the construction industry of the country through various measures. Despite of the large need for waste minimization research in Pakistan, , deductive approach was used, and quantitative method was selected, the present study has used cross-sectional design. The researcher used a sample of 323 individuals and conducted a questionnaire-based study.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Business Administration, University of Sahiwal, Sahiwal, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Bahria University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National Defence University (NDU), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/assessing-economic-benefits-through-waste-efficient-drivers-in-mega-construction-projects-a-case-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2020(III-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393608</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pak-US Relations and Indian Factor</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Asma Batool</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pak</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The South Asian region has always been a place of major concern for United States due to its strategic location; inter linked conflicts, threat of nuclear proliferation and tenacity of security threats such as terrorism. The region is hub of many conflicts and violence due to Pakistan-India&apos;s historical rivalry, terrorism and sectarian divisions. Security of the Pakistan has been unstable and highly based on proxy wars and involvement of Non-state actors. US has taken the responsibility to contribute in peace process of Pakistan-India conflicts to bring stability to the region but did not succeed. The Indian factor has always been primary for Pakistan while conducting relations with America. US tilt towards India has been significant since 2010 when strategic partnership between two initiated. After Trump came into power the US tilt towards India increased. To counter this US-Indo duo and maintain the balance in the region Pakistan has strengthened ties with Russia and China and also focusing on making adjustment in its nuclear doctrine to maintain its deterrence against the historical regional rival India.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M. Phil Scholar, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pakus-relations-and-indian-factor</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2020(III-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393609</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>India-Pakistan-Afghanistan Triad: A Case Study of Classical Realism</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nazish Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Triad</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Classical Realism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Partnership</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Interest</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghan Peace Process</dc:subject>
<dc:description>India and Pakistan have their own political and economic aims in Afghanistan since inception. The association between Pakistan and Afghanistan have always remained uneven. This is due to the convergence and divergence of interest of both the states. Indian factor has played its greater role in the strained relationship between both the states. Hostile Indian presence on the Afghanistan border is a matter of security concern for Pakistan. Taliban factor always remained a threat for India. India signed strategic partnership deal with Afghanistan and became the sixth largest donor to Afghanistan. Afghanistan is getting greater economic benefits from India and in return has provided its land for terrorist activities against Pakistan. Pakistan on the other hand has played very effective role in bringing Afghan Taliban and United states to the negotiation table for achieving peace in Afghanistan. This paper utilizes the classical realism theory to explain the political and economic interests of India and Afghanistan and also explains the strained Pak Afghan relations ever since due to the involvement of Indian factor. So this triad always remained in conflict and on trajectory of uneven relationship.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Mphil, Department of IR, NDU, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/indiapakistanafghanistan-triad-a-case-study-of-classical-realism</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2020(III-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393610</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Corona Pandemic: Analyzing the Response of US, China, Russia, India and Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Saad Kausar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fiza Siddiq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Corona</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>COVID-19</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pandemic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article is an effort to examine socio-political and economic impact of COVID-19 to state system global politics. Further, this study analyzes the response of US, China, Russia, India and Pakistan to Covid-19. Starting in December of 2019, first suspected as a mild cold in a seafood merchant of Hua&apos;nan market was proved to be a fine example of &quot;Butterfly&quot; or you may call it &quot;Domino&quot; effect. At first it was taken by the world community an epidemic later regarded as a global pandemic engulfing over million of earthlings in matter of days, responsible for seizing its originating country and crippling the world&apos;s economy. As of 26 March 2020, the number of confirmed cases in the country is 1,179, with 21 recoveries and 9 deaths. World Health Organization has appreciated Pakistan for taking meaningful and timely steps deal with Corona Virus. The efforts to deal with Covid-19 by states with the help of World Health organization (WHO) are admirable. WHO is urging all countries to prepare for the potential arrival of COVID-19 by readying emergency response systems; increasing capacity to detect and care for patients; ensuring hospitals have the space, supplies and necessary personnel; and developing life-saving medical interventions. States in their own operational capacity are working around; Preparedness &amp; Response, Containment and Mitigation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>BS, Department of International Relations, National Defence University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National Defence University (NDU) Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS, Department of International Relations, National Defence University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/corona-pandemic-analyzing-the-response-of-us-china-russia-india-and-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2020(III-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393611</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>US 2020 Elections - Will Biden make America Great again?</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Amena Zahid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noor Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zoha Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>US 2020 ELECTIONS</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Biden</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trump</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>America</dc:subject>
<dc:description>As America had faced several racial protests and injustices during Trump&apos;s era, Biden took a strong stance on racism in US and stated that racial injustice must be dealt with through broad economic and social programs to support minorities. Donald Trump&apos;s vision of &quot;Making America Great Again&quot; and of capitalizing and fortifying the intrinsic capabilities of America is what sets him apart from the previous Obama regime. Trump&apos;s Strategy in South Asia has been three-fold and its targets are primarily four countries: Afghanistan, India, Pakistan and China. With Biden coming into presidency, there is hope that the United States foreign policy might return to a pre-Trump era and even Republicans are hopeful for a return to the good order. The main issues with which Biden administration will struggle in the coming day will be in convincing the American people once again that global reengagement and multilateralism will help in improving the United States&apos; standing once again. Many of Biden&apos;s aides are claiming that there is a possibility that America&apos;s approach to problems can be reinvented and there is an effective policy blueprint for Biden&apos;s first 100 days and those beyond which will fix most of what they can.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/us-2020-elections-will-biden-make-america-great-again-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2020(III-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393612</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Dynamics of Indo-Russian ties under PM MODI Impacts on Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fariha Ahmad Hashmi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Interests</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Uncertainty</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>USA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security Dilemma</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In contrast to India-Russia historic partnership, Pakistan and Russia have rarely enjoy cordial ties. However, the recent times show that both the countries are trying their part to normalize the relationship and use those ties in to best of their advantage. The Pak- Russian ties where are motivated by interest, uncertainty and distress caused by Indian tilt towards US in pursuit of its interests, is another reason behind intensifying Pakistan-Russian cordiality. While both interest and uncertainty are core features of Structural Realism. This piece of research encompasses truly a show of engagements, reengagements and counter engagements based on these two factors.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M. Phil. Scholar, Department of IR, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-dynamics-of-indorussian-ties-under-pm-modi-impacts-on-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393613</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Power Projection of Turkey in Middle East: (From 2000-2020)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abida Yousaf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fozia Bibi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Iran</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Saudi Arabia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Turkey</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Competition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Turkey is an important power of Middle East and has a glorious past. On the basis of its victorious history, Turkey is aspiring to become a regional power of the region. In this regard, the domestic environment of Turkey (such as stable political system, democratic norms, economic development and political leadership) is playing significant role on one hand. On the other hand, the regional and global environment is also providing some opportunities and challenges to pursue its ambitions actively. Turkey&apos;s foreign policy in 21st century can be divided in two main phase; first decade of 21st century in which Turkey mostly relies on the use of soft power. However, in second decade, Turkey has used soft and hard power to gain its goals. Turkey&apos;s foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia, Iran and Syria are the key focus of this study. Previously, Turkey avoids supporting Iran and Saudi Arabia against each other. However, now Turkish leadership is actively trying to regain the historical influence of Turkey especially in Muslim world. Turkey&apos;s relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia are revolving around cooperation Vs competition paradigm. On one hand, Turkey&apos;s support for Qatar (2017) and the killing of Jamal Khashogi (October, 2018) has deteriorated the Saudi-Turkey&apos;s relations.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Chairperson, Department of Economics and Finance, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Rawalpindi Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-power-projection-of-turkey-in-middle-east-from-20002020</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393614</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Muslim Marginalization in India: From Ethnic Conflict Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fazal Rehman Kakar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Kashmir</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Insurgency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>State Sponsored Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Negotiation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Minority</dc:subject>
<dc:description>With BJP arrival to power, secular face of India has received severe criticism in international community. Latest report of the American. Nationalistic patriotism with some other factors like relative development differences, discrimination at social and economic level, continuous discrimination by the ruling elite, lack of political representation and voicing out grievances have become the root cause of ethnic violence in India which can push to the generation of parochialism. Cultural genocide and deliberate unequal economic development have caused major loss of Muslim lives and property and generate issues including demographic reshaping and political disenfranchisement which has further severe implications for Muslims. This paper will try to highlight the ethnic violence on Muslims in India, analyze the reasons behind the ethnic conflict and its manifestation through primordial and instrumental theoretical framework and finally provide road maps to solution.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Faculty of Contemporary Studies, Department International Relations, National Defence University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/muslim-marginalization-in-india-from-ethnic-conflict-perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393615</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>SINO - US Relations: A Case of Hybrid War</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mian Zahoor Ul Haq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>USA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hybrid Warfare</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Muslims</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>US National Security Strategy, 2017, mentioned China as a revisionist state, an economic competitor and a challenger. US NSC China declared to compete with China under the guided principles of realism. US actions and strategies make an interesting argument to validate that USA has fallen in the Thucydides Trap, not because China has pushed the US, but because fear has engulfed her and has adopted an appropriate form of war. This article explores the approaches adopted by USA in her Hybrid War against China. It discusses the surge in attacks on China political Center of Gravity. It analyses the created chaos in Hongkong and the engineered clash of Muslim and Chinese civilisations. It observes how Corona Pandemic has been used to malign China and uncovers that US allies have been buoyed up to contain China. Before rendering conclusions, the article examines how the friends of china are being targeted.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Contemporary Studies, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/sino-us-relations-a-case-of-hybrid-war</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393616</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Decoupling US and China&apos;s Grand Strategy in Asia -Pacific Region</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Waseem Ishaque</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mustafeez Ahmad Alvi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Common Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Shared Future</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Win-Win Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Since the end of the second world war, the Asia-Pacific region has remained the center of global attention due to US presence, hot spot issues, and unresolved territorial disputes. There is no denying the fact that US presence has contributed enormously towards regional security and stability, which also enabled China to rise peacefully, despite tremor sin other regions of the world. This region alone contains 60 percentage of the world&apos;s population and half of the world&apos;s economic and trade volume. The framework of extensive and robust engagement is the recipe for future progress, and no single country or alliance system can shape the future security and economic architecture of this region, therefore, necessitating the network of partnerships and comprehensive engagements by all the countries. While there are competing and complementary paradigms pursued by the US and China, however, the pragmatic assessment demands strong cooperation and mutual accommodation to overcome the challenges of evolving strategic landscape. This research paper argues that the US policies indicate hegemonic behavior and cold war mentality of containment, while China is pursuing a strategy of common development through win-win cooperation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor/Dean, Department of Social Sciences, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/decoupling-us-and-chinas-grand-strategy-in-asia-pacific-region</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-III).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393617</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Foreign Policy of India towards Pakistan: A Critical Analysis of BJP&apos;s Era</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nimra Sajjad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sara Batool</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tajjalla Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Hegemony</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bilateralism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Negotiation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ideology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Since the Indian nationalist party Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP)&apos;s leader took the charge of the state, bilateral relations between India and Pakistan became rigid. The period from 2014 to 2020 has been discussed in the study. In Prime Minister Modi&apos;s era, the tension between India and Pakistan over Kashmir has escalated because, in the second term, Prime Minister Narendra Modi revoked articles 370 and 35A, which gave the special status to Indian administered Kashmir. This study examines the basis of Indian foreign policy under the BJP&apos;s administration and how Prime Minister Modi&apos;s policy towards Pakistan and provides policy recommendations for practitioners to improve the bilateral ties with India.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS in International Relations, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS in International Relations, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS in International Relations, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/foreign-policy-of-india-towards-pakistan-a-critical-analysis-of-bjps-era</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-III).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393618</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Geopolitical Competition of Great Powers and Biosecurity</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tayyaba Zaman Janjua</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noor Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Imran Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Great Powers Competition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Biosecurity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Biological and Chemical Weapons</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>COVID- 19</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The paper highlights the phenomenon of great powers competition and bio security and focuses on the impact of great power competition on bio security. The paper identifies how the bio security vulnerabilities are increased to competition among great powers. The research then explains how states have been involved in biological and chemical warfare historically and in great world wars. It also focuses on how states due to the phenomenon of security dilemma states engage in biological and chemical research as the states consider the environment of the international system anarchic. The research by using content analysis and qualitative method of research focused on how states had been involved in biological and chemical warfare in history and an extensive literature review was carried out.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>BS, International Relations, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Chairperson, Department of Politics and IR, IIU Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, International Relations, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/geopolitical-competition-of-great-powers-and-biosecurity</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-III).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393619</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan&apos;s Foreign Policy towards Afghanistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nuzhat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Durand Line</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Soviet Afghan War</dc:subject>
<dc:description>PakistanâÂ€Â™s foreign policy towards Afghanistan is shaped by its quest for territorial integrity. Both Pakistan and Afghanistan remained hostile since their inception. The main factor for this rivalry was the Durand line issue which resulted in security threat from Afghanistan. The paper analyzes the bilateral conflict of Afghanistan and Pakistan and the factors responsible for their hostility. The paper also examines the foreign policy of Pakistan towards Afghanistan since its independence. The findings of the study concluded that Pakistan has adopted changes in its foreign policy towards Afghanistan particularly during Soviet Afghan war. This article relies on qualitative methods of research to describe the foreign policy of Pakistan at different intervals.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Women University, Swabi, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islambad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islambad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pakistans-foreign-policy-towards-afghanistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-III).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393620</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Special Economic Zones: A Comparative Analysis of China and Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Ali Hassan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Areeja Syed</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>SEZ</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>BRI</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>EPZ</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>FTZ</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Free Ports</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan and China enjoy close bilateral relations, owing to the &apos;China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as China is developing a special economic zone across Pakistan under CPEC. SEZs are a new phenomenon for Pakistan and it&apos;s the need of the hour for Pakistan to study the working mechanism of China&apos;s SEZs to work on those challenges that Pakistan is facing due to non-expertise in this sector. China has a deep-rooted history as far as SEZs are concerned. With China&apos;s experience and progress, a comparative analysis of Chinese SEZs could provide benefits for Pakistan. This study aims to give a comparative analysis of SEZs in both countries. A comparative analysis between China and Pakistan&apos;s SEZ policies will help Pakistan in making better economic policies about Special economic zones.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS, Department of International Relations, COMSATS University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS, Department of International Relations, COMSATS University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/special-economic-zones-a-comparative-analysis-of-china-and-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-III).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393621</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Right-wing Terrorism and Emerging Threats to the US National Interests</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Hussain Murtaza</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muqarrab Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rafida Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Right-Wing</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Domestic Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Populism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Image</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>USA</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The USA acclaims to be a multicultural land of opportunity assimilating migrant settlers since its inception,but another facet of the USA is a culture of white racial supremacy, and orthodox beliefs regarding blacks, women, religious and ideological others. The policy of constructing the ideological other, i.e., communism, was the highlight of cold war politics. The end of the cold war brought a shift in US policy and led to the rise of right-wing nationalist groups. The Trump victory was the triumph of these groups leading to an exponential rise in incidents of domestic terrorism during the Trump Era. The paper employing Realist IR theory analyzes the Right-wing terrorist ideology through secondary data. One outcome of the study is that the ideology of populism employing violence is causing civil unrest and is a stigma for USA soft image,and the rise of domestic terrorism is associated with the wave of global religious revivalism.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Chairman, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/rightwing-terrorism-and-emerging-threats-to-the-us-national-interests</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393622</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Optimistic Role of China in Peace Building in Africa: A Case Study of Darfur</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nazim Rahim</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ilyas Ansari</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Suhrab Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Africa</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Darfur</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Quasi-state</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balance of Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Conflict Management</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The developing Sino-African relations are perceived by some foreign affairs academia as a measure of the basis on which its larger strategic drives are fabricated. Chinese interests on the continent not merely focus on economic benefits however also includes governmental, security, and sociopolitical interests. This fast-developing correlation offers opportunities besides challenges to both China and Africa. ChinaâÂ€Â™s trade, venture, and infrastructural development support are primarily re-modeling African markets. However, Chinese growth posturing retreat dilemma to international power balance.Particularly, the US perceives the African continent as ravenous for their investments, expertise, and peace, and cordiality.Moreover, argumentative concerns are distressing these relations. Africa remained a fatality of Western colonialism in addition to &quot;strings-attached&quot; methodologies. Hence, carried around using âÂ€Âœquasi-stateâÂ€Â players, thus, frequently condemned through majority African leadership to interfere with the local affairs within a few African states besides also offering reliant over foreign-aid support. This article endeavors to use the qualitative nature of the study based on secondary sources.Therefore, the descriptive-analytical technique is used to conclude a critical study of Sino-African relations besides conflict management in Africa, making a case study of Sudan. This paper also attempts to examine that how ChinaâÂ€Â™s investments on the continent are donating to issues by observing transmission of Chinese weapons towards Sudan underbid of securing petroleum to guard its domestic safeties.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Chitral, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science % IR, University of Central Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, University of Chitral, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/optimistic-role-of-china-in-peace-building-in-africa-a-case-study-of-darfur</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393623</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Breaking the Stalemate: Re-engaging North Korea</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Waseem Ishaque</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mudassir Mukhtar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>North Korea</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Joe Biden</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Donald Trump</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Moon Jae-in</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Korea</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The situation in the Korean Peninsula continues to remain tense and uncertain despite hectic diplomacy and peace overtures demonstrated by former President Donald Trump of the USA, President Moon Jae-in of South Korea, and the members of the six-party talks platform due to lack of coherent policy on how to engage North Korea. While the international community has displayed cautious optimism on the US-North Korea Summits, however, the change in US administration and overextended policy review by the new administration has created anxiety and stalemate. Chairman Kim Jong-un has once again resorted to brinkmanship and test-fired several missiles to draw the attention of President Joe Biden, who, after hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan, is still in the process of consolidation of his position and doesn&apos;t appear to be in a hurry on North Korea. This article recapitulates the peace developments of the last three years, investigates the causes of its failure, and suggests a course of action to break the prevailing stalemate by engaging North Korea and advancing the peace process for enduring stability of the entire peninsula.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, NUML, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>HoD/Associate Professor, Department of Mass Communication, NUML, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/breaking-the-stalemate-reengaging-north-korea</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393624</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Saudi Iran Rivalry and Pakistan Foreign Policy towards Yemen Crises</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mohammad Irfan Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rana Eijaz Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Saudi-Iran Rivalry</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan&apos;s Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Neutrality</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Yemen Crises</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article highlights Pakistan&apos;s foreign policy towards the Yemen crisis in the background of deep-rooted social,cultural, ethnic and religious cleavages between two regional rivals, Saudi Arabia and Iran. As, Pakistan always claims Tobe neutral towards Saudi-Iran rivalry. By using the qualitative method, the researcher has designed a criterion of analyzing the neutrality in Pakistan&apos;s foreign policy towards the Yemen Crisis. As, there are multiple indicators of neutrality that can help in measuring Pakistan&apos;s position of neutrality towards Saudi-Iran rivalry in Yemen Crises. Moreover, by explaining the factors behind the Saudi-Iran rivalry, this article further answers questions such as which theory explains best explain Pakistan&apos;s position towards Yemen Crises? What are the drivers of Pakistan&apos;s foreign policy towards the Middle East? Is Pakistan really neutral towards the Middle Eastern crises? If yes, then to what extent and why? How do external threats to Pakistan&apos;s political, economic, and Ideological interests contribute to creating a discrepancy in its proclaimed neutral position.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Department of Political Science, University of Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Department of Political Science, University of Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/saudi-iran-rivalry-and-pakistan-foreign-policy-towards-yemen-crises</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393625</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>France-Pakistan Antagonistic Relations and Role of Public Diplomacy</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Areeja Syed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Chriet Hamid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Public Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Soft Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>People to People Contacts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>France- India Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:description>France and Pakistan have enjoyed amicable relationships since the 1960s and hold high status in the eye of Pakistan for the provision of military technology to Pakistan. It is also one of those major countries where Pakistan exports its products and commodities. However, their relationship suffered a sudden downfall soon after the publishing of the blasphemous cartoons in a French magazine that received an instant backlash from the Muslim community, including Pakistan. Public diplomacy can opt as the top priority for the government to restore the close bond with France in the field of military technology, economy, culture, and politics. In the past, France has been the major contributor to the development of Pakistan&apos;s military capabilities. Given a large number of Muslim communities residing in France, Pakistan can never politically disconnect from France, which necessitates coming up with a common ground to take the bilateral ties to the next level.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS, International Relations, COMSATS University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Political Commentator, Columnist, London, France.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/francepakistan-antagonistic-relations-and-role-of-public-diplomacy</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393626</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The 18th Constitutional Amendment and Its Impact on Pakistan&apos;s Democracy</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Iltaf Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bakhtiar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Tariq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Elections</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Federalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>18th Amendment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Parliamentary Supremacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democratic Transition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Provincial Autonomy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>As a result of the 2008 general elections, a power transition from the military to the civilians took place in Pakistan. The Pakistan People&apos;s Party, after assuming the powers, under its legislative drive restored the 1973 constitution to its original shape. Under the landmark 18th constitutional amendment,federal parliamentary democracy was restored, which ensured autonomy for provinces after removing the concurrent list. It ensured the independence of the judiciary, transparency of the Election Commission of Pakistan, and made arrangements for a peaceful transfer of power under the neutral caretaker government.Through this amendment, provinces were empowered and allowed to legislate on various matters under their jurisdictions. More and more powers were devolved to enhance provincial autonomy and to enable them to unearth their own resources. The present paper examines the 18th amendment and its role in the establishment of a viable federal democratic system based on participatory governance.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Subject Specialist, Elementary and Secondary Education Department, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Buner, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Subject Specialist, Elementary and Secondary Education Department, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-18th-constitutional-amendment-and-its-impact-on-pakistans-democracy</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393627</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Challenge of Energy Transition and Energy Security Needs of Pakistan in 21st Century</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Rehan Zafar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Yasin Sultan Raja</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Energy Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Energy Transition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sustainable Energy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Energy Resilience</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Energy security is one of the cornerstones of the modern economy. However, Pakistan has struggled for decades to find a viable strategy for ensuring economically viable options to meet this essential requirement of the modern economic system. Pakistan&apos;s reliance on fossil fuel-based power generation has not only incurred huge economic costs but also made the country vulnerable to the instabilities of international market forces. However, the global economy is now moving through a phase of energy transition i.e. from fossil fuels to sustainable energy. This transition offers a golden opportunity for Pakistan to restructure its energy mix in a manner that can be cost-effective as well as resilient to economic and military threats, considering the country&apos;s strategic environment. This paper seeks to present an overview of the requirements for energy security in the modern age while proposing some of the viable options for sustainable energy and strategies for its implementation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, NUML, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, NUML, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-challenge-of-energy-transition-and-energy-security-needs-of-pakistan-in-21st-century</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393628</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Political Discrepancy of Pakistan towards Afghanistan: Need of the Time</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fareed ULLAH</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noman Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Azmat Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Peace</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>negotiations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>harmony</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan wars</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan&apos;s struggles</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Islamization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legitimacy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>After the incident of 9/11, Afghanistan emerged as a terrorist state before the face of the world.To eradicate the militant factors, the USA initiated a war against terror with the help of its allies on the soil of Afghanistan. This paper aims to analyze the efforts of Pakistan to bring harmony, peace and development to Afghanistan. The Afghan political scenario is a &quot;multi- political scenario&quot; in which different types of stakeholders show their political legitimacy over the masses. The capitalist class led by the USA and the socialist class by Russia are the antagonistic factors in this regard. Another major group in this regard is the Islamic agenda group, having the culture of arms and is also the main participant in the Afghan political setup. The political legitimacy of the different groups de-railed whole the system on the verge of chaos. The main focus of this paper is to determine the struggles of Pakistan to restore the true political system in Afghanistan through the participation of all the stakeholders in the scenario.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD. Scholar, Department of Political Science Qurtuba University of Science and Information Technology, KKP Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Nawab Allah Nawaz Kan Law College Gomal University DI.Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Department of Political Science Qurtuba University of Science and Information Technology, KKP Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-political-discrepancy-of-pakistan-towards-afghanistan-need-of-the-time</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393629</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>China and South Asia in Xi Jinping&apos;s &apos;New Era&apos;</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Nauman Akhter</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>BRI</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Since President Xi Jinping assumed power, China has been rising on the political, economic, and diplomatic stage in South Asian geopolitics. Policy experts in China have termed South Asia as the region with the direct link to the rise of China. President Xi Jinping announced a concept known as a &apos;New Era&apos;. The policy of &quot;keeping a low profile and binding the time&quot; in the period of Deng Xiaoping is different from this policy. The article aims to analyze ChinaâÂ€Â™s policy: the main drivers, the domestic factors and how the neighboring South Asian countries shape the Chinese foreign policy behavior will be our focus of attention-in this article.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Shandong University, Qingdao, China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/china-and-south-asia-in-xi-jinpings-new-era</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393630</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Geopolitics Of Indian Ocean: Emerging Trends</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Asia Karim</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saima A Kayani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saiqa Bukhari</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indian Ocean</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>USA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan and Arabian-Gulf</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Indian Ocean has gradually emerged as a significant region in terms of the economic and geopolitical patterns of the world powers. In the contemporary power struggles, it has become a most important contesting ground for global dominance. This research analyses the Geo strategic significance of the Indian Ocean and the interests of regional and great powers in it. The study is particularly focusing on two sub-regions of the Indian Ocean (IO) (Arabian Gulf and South Asia) and is mainly probing the strategic competition between New Delhi and Islamabad in these areas. And the structural enforcement these South Asian countries are receiving from Washington and Beijing. Active engagements of great powers in the said regions also highlight the global dynamic of strategic competition IO. The research concludes that different strategies adopted by regional and global powers to increase their sphere of influence in IOR are consequently enhancing strategic dilemma and initiating arms race between regional powers and that any mishandling can easily ends up in a war, which may not be an ordinary one because all the states focused in the current study are nuclear capable.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Chairperson, Department of IR, Fatima Jinnah Women University Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, University of Vienna, Austria</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/geopolitics-of-indian-ocean-emerging-trends</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393631</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Analysis of the Kashmir Issue: Past, Present and Future Recommendations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Yunas Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ismail Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fazli Rehman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Kashmir</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>UN</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Article 370 and 35A</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In this paperwork, we at first presented the basic introduction to the Kashmir issue and then tried to shed light on its current scenario, especially after 05th August 2019, by answering a series of-questions in the explanation section, such as why India claims Kashmir to be its integral part? Why does Pakistan reject the Indian claim? Why does India call Kashmir to be its internal matter while Pakistan denies it? What was Kashmir&apos;s Special Status? Or what were Articles 370 and 35 (A) of the Indian Constitution?Why did India revoke the special status of Kashmir? Or why did India revoke Articles 370 and 35 A in 2019?What is the legal status of &apos;Instrument of Accession&apos;? Why was the revocation of Special Status of Kashmir thought to be a violation of certain legal provisions? Or what laws have been violated by India? What makes Kashmir a nuclear flash point or a time bomb? Or what are the implications or consequences of revocation?What this paper argues is that revocation of articles 370 and 35A is a violation of the Indian constitution itself, UN resolutions and other provisions of the international law and must be taken notice of by the international community as the region is a nuclear flashpoint and the issue of Kashmir may be a triggering point for anything that can threaten the peace of the region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia College University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia College University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia College University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/an-analysis-of-the-kashmir-issue-past-present-and-future-recommendations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393632</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Power Transition and Global International Order</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shahnawaz Muhammad Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Arif Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Safia A. Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Power Transition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power Supremacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Great Power Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power Shift</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Order</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Power is the main reason to rule over the world. The concept of power transition is started when a country has risen in economic growth and gained military power and reaches the level of its challenger,and also had its place at the top of the international order and the hunger for power led the country to reach the maximum extent. This is due to the fact when a country gets power and establishes a great economic system, it wants to get in the top position in the international order and also save its interest in the world.The global international order has seen several power transitions from empire to empire, region to region,and then country to country. The study is a qualitative analysis of past events of power transition in the global world. It also focused on the causes and prospects of power transition in the past and the future,respectively.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Federal Urdu University of Arts Sciences and Technology, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Federal Urdu University of Arts Sciences and Technology, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar, School of International and Public Affairs, Jilin University, P. R. China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/power-transition-and-global-international-order</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393633</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Unresolved Cold War Issues of Contemporary Outer Space Arms Control Efforts</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shakeel Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fazal Rabbi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ahsan Riaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Transparency and Confidence Building Measures</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legal Lacunas</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Deterrence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cold War Arms Control and Disarmament</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Space faring Nations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The ineffectiveness of the existing space law treaties has allowed space faring nations to enhance their strategic capability, which has resulted in an increase in militarization and weaponization. Military use of the outer appears to be dominated by power politics, and there are uncertainties surrounding space governance and resources. Neither the established nor the emerging space faring states have actively engaged in arms control negotiations, including &quot;Transparency and Confidence Building Measures (TCBMs)&quot;. Inthis article, the argument has been made that during the initial stages of the space race, various spacefaringnations agreed that the environment in outer space should be approached in a different manner; however,issues of military use of space and weaponization were not fully resolved through negations. These issues continue to persist in space law treaties in the form of legal lacuna&apos;s. If leftover issues from the Cold War-rivals are not resolved, the militarization of space will continue to increase.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Erin J. C. Arsenault Research Fellow at the Institute of Air and Space Law, McGill University, Montreal, Canada</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>ssociate Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/unresolved-cold-war-issues-of-contemporary-outer-space-arms-control-efforts</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393634</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Taliban 2.0: An Analysis of Taliban&apos;s use of Political Communication During the Kabul &apos;Triumph&apos; and Ensuing Quest for Global Recognition</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Tabish</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kishwar Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Faizan Asghar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Communication</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NATO</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Peace</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In an unprecedented turn of events witnessed in August 2021, a vast territory of Afghanistan fell under complete control of the Taliban on 15th August 2021. Despite 300&apos;000 strong force, Afghan National Army (ANA) failed to put up any resistance against the Taliban blitzkrieg. What was more surprising was the apparent change in the political communication strategy of the Taliban during their conquest and after they took control of Kabul. The way Taliban spokespersons used social media, held press conferences, gave assurances to rival factions, and offered amnesties to the Afghan national army and other rivals played a significant role in the conception of &apos;Taliban 2.0&apos;. This article sheds light on the use of communication by the group in the first public appearance of their spokesperson Zabiullah Mujahid in a maiden press conference held on 17th August 2021. This particular press conference defines the road map the Taliban has to walk in their quest for Global recognition.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, School of Integrated Social Sciences, (SISS), University of Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Integrated Social Sciences, (SISS), University of Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Department of International Relations, School of Integrated Social Sciences, (SISS), University of Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/taliban-20-an-analysis-of-talibans-use-of-political-communication-during-the-kabul-triumph-and-ensuing-quest-for-global-recognition-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393635</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Emerging Challenges to Traditional Security: Pakistan&apos;s Future Prospects</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tehmina Aslam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Iqra Javaid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Asad Aslam</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan-India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Artificial Intelligence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Drones</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Weapon System</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indian Ocean</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Submarines</dc:subject>
<dc:description>As of late, Pakistan has seen new rushes of fierce traditional challenges to its security. Regardless of whether in light of ethnic or fanatic ideologies, Pakistan is at crossroads of security between its eastern and western borders. This presents two particular challenges related to difficulties for contemporary,traditional security orders: the ascent of armed conflict with any state and the governance of a progressively complex internal security vacuum. This paper aims to understand emerging challenges to traditional security, mainly focusing on the threat to Indian Ocean Region (IOR) through the lens of technological advancement in armed conflict. By using a qualitative secondary data approach, the author will conduct anin-depth review of the secondary data in the area of traditional security flux and Pakistan&apos;s future prospects.The paper will also analyze Pakistan&apos;s deterrence and the biggest traditional security challenge from India with a lens of the development of weapon frameworks as far as disastrous capacities and expansion in range,drones, satellite monitoring and more. Finally, the paper will conclude with the possible ways to curb the emerging challenges to traditional security.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Executive Director, Sundar STEM School and College, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, School of Integrated Social Sciences, University of Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Faculty of Law, University of Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/emerging-challenges-to-traditional-security-pakistans-future-prospects</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393636</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>How Narratives Helped the Taliban&apos;s Surprise Takeover of Afghanistan in 2021</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Raja Wasim Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>War on Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Narratives</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US-Led Coalition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Surprise</dc:subject>
<dc:description>World witnessed strange events in Afghanistan in august 2021 when over three hundred thousand &quot;well-equipped&quot; Afghan Security Forces, failed to offer any meaningful resistance to the Taliban attacks. The Taliban virtually took over entire Afghanistan including the Capital Kabul in a matter of days,surprisingly without any resistance from Afghan forces. Most US and western writers and military experts blamed Afghan Forces and their civilian leadership for the collapse of resistance and in a way took the blame away from the US-led coalition. This article suggests that the Taliban&apos;s surprise and almost bloodless victory has less to do with immediate factors around August 2021. The surprise was slowly manufactured by the Taliban through their strong effort caused by the narratives, spread over two decades of the war. Such consistent narratives created an environment which caused the immediate collapse of Afghan Forces even before the US could complete evacuation out of Afghanistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD. Scholar, Centre for International Peace and Stability (CIPS), National University of Sciences and Technology (NUST), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/how-narratives-helped-the-talibans-surprise-takeover-of-afghanistan-in-2021-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393637</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Afghanistan Factor in Enhancing Extremism and Terrorism in FATA</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Tazeem Javed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammaad Shafiq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Fata</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>TTP. Al Qaeda</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>WoT</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Afghanistan&apos;s incursion by the Soviet Union in 1979 enhanced the elements of extremism informer FATA. In the post-9/11 period, tribal areas of Pakistan became a hub of militants and terrorists.Meanwhile, the role of Pakistan in the War on Terror (WoT) increased elements of terrorism and instability in the country. Many terrorist organizations like Al-Qaeda, Haqqani Network and Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan and other small terrorist groups including the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) andLashkar-i-Jahangvi started terrorist activities in the shape of suicide attacks. The study attempts to explainvarious internal and external factors (Afghanistan) which contributed to enhancing extremism and terrorism in former FATA. Furthermore, the research explains the anti-state activities of above mentioned militant groups in the area.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Department of History, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur (IUB), Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of History, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur (IUB), Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/afghanistan-factor-in-enhancing-extremism-and-terrorism-in-fata</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393813</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Historical, Empirical and Domestic Pieces of evidence of Iran&apos;s Foreign Policy</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fozia Bibi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Lubna Abid Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Middle East</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balance of Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Glorious Past</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sanctions</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article discusses the empirical and domestic factors in the formulation of the foreign policy of Iran. It is essential to understand the history, state-craft and power complex of Iran. In Iran, Faqih is the supreme leader and he has full command of the armed forces and general policies of the state. The foreign policy complex of Iran consists of individuals, agencies and different departments that directly influence the foreign policy of Iran. The foreign policy complex and Statecraft of Iran&apos;s political system play a significant role and influence the foreign policy behaviour of Iran. Since the Islamic revolution, Iran is facing threats from regional and global powers. Post Saddam, Iran is mainly focusing on Saudi Arabia, Israeli and America to contain their influence. Since last many decades, Iran is facing serious criticism and sanctions because of its nuclear program. Despite USA sanctions, Iran is moving from the regional to the global arena and also improving its relations with Russia, and China.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor at Department of Political Science, Rawalpindi Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of International Relations, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/historical-empirical-and-domestic-pieces-of-evidence-of-irans-foreign-policy</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393819</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Putin&apos;s Propensity Toward Pakistan: Challenges and Opportunities for Islamabad</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shahid Pervaiz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Waqar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muqarrab Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>USSR</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bilateral Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Unipolarity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Multipolarity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:description>There are no permanent enemies or friends in international relations, only national interests are permanent or supreme. Historically, Pakistan&apos;s relations with USSR have never been friendly. The paper will examine the reasons behind the disaffection relationships between Russia and Pakistan. From the USSR&apos;s point of view, Pakistan has a strategic relationship with the U.S. and was declared the enemy of Moscow. From Pakistan&apos;s point of view, USSR is inclined towards India. In this emerging multipolar world, Pakistan needs to modify its foreign policy according to the changing regional and international environment. Russia, an emerging global power, is reconsidering its policy towards South Asia. Pakistan is a strategically important state in the region. Hence, it is essential for Islamabad to look towards a friendly relationship with regional players, which must be based on mutual trust and cooperation. This qualitative research aims to analyze the international regional and domestic factors responsible for the change in Russian foreign policy and its implication for Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/putins-propensity-toward-pakistan-challenges-and-opportunities-for-islamabad</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-II).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394756</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Sino-Pak Relationship in the South Asia Region</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Habib ur Rehman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bilateral relation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study tried to examine the nature and extent of Pakistan-China relationships with a particular focus on economic, military and diplomatic ties during the Pakistan People&apos;s Party era of 2008-2013. One major objective of the study revolves around finding out the impact of these relationships in accordance with the region of South Asia. The current research is based on qualitative research inquiry with a focus on descriptive and exploratory research designs. The participants of the current study were selected through purposive and sequential sampling techniques. The study finds the relationship between Pakistan and China was very significant and strong right from the beginning of the mutual relationship between both countries. This research also found that the role of CPEC and enhancement in military relations marks the key areas which helped in accelerating the ties between the two countries.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/sinopak-relationship-in-the-south-asia-region</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2019(II-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394757</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Crises between Syria, Jordan and Lebanon after the Arab Uprising</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Naila Afzal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Syrian Civil War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional and International Powers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Jordan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Lebanon</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The aim of the study is to explore the influx of refugees in Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon and its implications. The under-observation study addressed the political, social, and economic factors, that led to civil war in Syria and became the cause of massive migration of population to the neighbouring countries like Lebanon and Jordan. Bashar al-Assad&apos;s coercive policies forced vulnerable populations to move beyond the Syrian border. This study is based on qualitative research methodology. Results of the study show that the Syrian conflict became the cause of the worst refugee crisis since the Arab Uprising and influenced the countries and their inhabitants at all levels. The recommendation of the research is that there must be an approach of cooperation and comprehensive assistance in the field of humanitarian including hosts and refugees in both communities.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Gujranwala Institute of Future Technology, GIFT University, Gujranwala, Punjab Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/crises-between-syria-jordan-and-lebanon-after-the-arab-uprising</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2019(II-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394758</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Power Competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran: An Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Naila Afzal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Saudi-Iran Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US Invasion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Saudi-Yemen War</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The aim of this study is to explore the craze of power competition in the Middle East. Today Middle East has become the hub of conflicts. Power competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran has jeopardized the security dilemma for the whole region. There are many other factors of regional conflicts but the Shia-Sunni factor dominated not only media as well as policy analysts. This research is qualitative in nature. The results of the study found that regional conflicts gave birth to irregular armies that are fighting for their nation-state still on an old pattern. Wars and violence have also victimized the youth and children. In the case of Middle East politics, the Saudi-Iran rivalry has been contested hotly.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Gujranwala Institute of Future Technology, Gujranwala, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/power-competition-between-saudi-arabia-and-iran-an-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394781</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Saudi-Iran Conflict: Role of International Factors and Impacts on the Muslim Region</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muneeba Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sunni-Shia conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>United States</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Israel</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Lebanon</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bahrain</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Saudi-Iran conflict has been a long-standing and complex geopolitical rivalry in the Middle East. This article explores the multifaceted role of international factors in perpetuating the conflict and its profound impacts on the Muslim region. International powers, including the United States and Israel, have played a pivotal role by supporting one side or the other, intensifying the regional turmoil. This Proxy war has escalated sectarian tensions, causing widespread instability and humanitarian crises. The conflict&apos;s ramifications extend beyond the Saudi-Iran rivalry, affecting neighboring countries and, in some cases, fomenting extremist ideologies. A comprehensive understanding of these international dynamics is crucial to developing strategies for peace and stability in the region, as this protracted dispute continues to reshape the political landscape of the Muslim world.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Women University Mardan, KPK, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M Phil Scholar, Department of Political Science, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/saudiiran-conflict-role-of-international-factors-and-impacts-on-the-muslim-region</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395273</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Syrian War: American Interests and Regional Dynamics</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tehreem Siddiqi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Amna Muzamal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Syrian War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>USA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>ISIS Insurgency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pro Assad Block</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Anti-Assad Block</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Non-Aligned</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The study aims to reflect the complex Syrian civil war that has now become a proxy war costing lives of thousand and displacing millions of civilians. The war was just another conflict of the Arab Spring Revolutions in 2010 but today, it has become a battlefield for many local, regional, and extra-regional powers. The qualitative study for this article is to find out varied information concerning all the active blocks including Pro-Assad, Anti-Assad, and Non-Aligned forces. The United States has shown substantial support to the rebellions who are already geared to topple Bashar-al-Assad’s regime. The study reveals that the United States acquire several strategic interests in battling the Syrian conflict. This document tries to examine important foreign policies that shaped this modern-day war. The Superpower, United States of America has always been greatly concerned with the fate of Middle East for several decades, however, its intervention in Syria worsened the conflict beyond imaginations.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of Media &amp; Communications, Foundation University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of International Relations, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/syrian-war-american-interests-and-regional-dynamics</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395456</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of Pakistan in the Afghan Peace Process</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sadaf Naz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Roshni Najmul Ghani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Regional Player</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Stakeholders</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mediator</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Stability and reconciliation in Afghanistan have been the goals of the difficult and drawn-out Afghan peace process. Being a major regional player and neighbor, Pakistan has been instrumental in promoting the peace process. In addition to stressing Pakistan&apos;s diplomatic efforts, regional influence, and possible obstacles, this article offers a succinct summary of Pakistan&apos;s involvement in the Afghan peace process. Pakistan’s involvement in the Afghan peace process stems from its own security concerns, as instability in Afghanistan directly affects Pakistan&apos;s security landscape. It has facilitated dialogues, provided venues for negotiations, and encouraged both sides to engage in meaningful talks. Furthermore, Pakistan is positioned as a key player in the peace process due to its historical ties to the Taliban and its influence over some factions. The parties&apos; ability to communicate and come to the bargaining table has been greatly aided by Pakistan&apos;s mediation role.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Researcher, Department of Political Science, Women University Mardan, KPK, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Researcher, Department of Political Science, Women University Mardan, KPK, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Mphil Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/role-of-pakistan-in-the-afghan-peace-process</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395487</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Senkaku Island Dispute: Bilateral Dispute in Trilateral Framework</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Yousma Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Senkaku Islands</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bilateral Dispute</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trilateral Framework</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Territorial Sovereignty</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitical Tensions</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This Research aims to examine the ongoing dispute between China and Japan over the barren Islands present in the East China Sea.  This study will proceed with a brief explanation of historical claims made by both parties and policy considerations made in history. The provoking act of Japan by nationalizing the islands has made China and Japan act aggressively. It tries to analyze all the major parties involved in the dispute and their policies toward each other. It highlights most of the applicable theories of IR and tries to evaluate the calculations, perceptions, and risk of armed conflict involved in the dispute.  Recommendations are made with conclusive findings.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Candidate MS, International Relations, COMSATS Institute of Information Technology, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/senkaku-island-dispute-bilateral-dispute-in-trilateral-framework</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395488</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Towards Indian Revocation of Kashmir&apos;s Special Status- Modi&apos;s Grand Strategy in Abrogating Articles 35A and 370 of the Indian Constitution</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zainab Jamil</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Leadership</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Personality</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kashmir</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Article 370 and 35 (A)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Kashmir Valley has been a subject of discussion since 1947 because of political discord between Pakistan and India. Article 370 and 35(A) of the Indian Constitution were abrogated by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi giving Kashmir and its inhabitants certain benefits, just as Kashmir has its own constitution. This paper scouts Pakistan&apos;s modified foreign policy towards India in the after-effect of Articles 370 and 35(A) of the Indian Constitution being abrogated. Further, owing to the critical review of available literature, the paper will seek to present how it cast the relationship between Trump and Modi which benefited Modi in making such a smooth move in occupied Kashmir. This research concentrates on what are Modi&apos;s motives and strategies behind revoking the Indian Constitution Articles 370 and 35 (A) that motivate Modi to take these steps on Kashmir now.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Candidate MS, International Relations, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pakistans-foreign-policy-towards-indian-revocation-of-kashmirs-special-status-modis-grand-strategy-in-abrogating-articles-35a-and-370-of-the-indian-constitution</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395489</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Foreign Policy of Pakistan: A Case Study of Z.A. Bhutto’s Policies Post 1971 Tragedy</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rimsha Farooq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Zulfikar Ali Bhutto</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nationalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constitution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Achievements</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Down Fall</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Reforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Opposition Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Zulfikar Ali Bhutto ascended to Power when Pakistan was bleeding after the horrors of the 1971 disaster. &quot;Rotti, kapra, makaan” was also based on this concept. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came into power to provide equality and to make Pakistan a democratic state, where every citizen is treated equally. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had some great achievements during his regime which include the Shimla agreement, nuclear power, and the 1973 constitution. However, his trust in Zia-Ul-Haq was the major factor in his fall from power. This paper focuses on Bhutto as a ruler, his achievements, his reforms, and his fall from power.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, International Relations, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/foreign-policy-of-pakistan-a-case-study-of-za-bhuttos-policies-post-1971-tragedy</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(IV-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393818</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Saudi-Iran Rivalry: Pakistan&apos;s Role from Neutrality to Mediatory</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zahra Ibrahim</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sarwat Rauf</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Saudi Arabia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Iran</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mediator</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Rivalry</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Middle East</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study examines Pakistan&apos;s changing role amid Riyadh and Tehran&apos;s geopolitical and geoeconomic competition. It debunks the claim that Saudi Arabia and Iran&apos;s rivalry has long caused sectarian strife and economic and security problems in Pakistan. Pakistan&apos;s leadership has determined to prevent sectarian and supremacy tussles between the two Middle Eastern powers and to reduce tension diplomatically. Saudi Arabia and Iran&apos;s competition has affected not only Middle Eastern governments but also Pakistan, which faces internal and external issues. Pakistan&apos;s connections with Iran and Saudi Arabia are geopolitical and geoeconomic necessities. This conundrum has led Pakistan to act as an arbitrator between Saudi Arabia and Iran in its foreign policy. This research examines Middle East political tensions from 2015 to 2021 to determine Pakistan&apos;s evolving role from neutral to mediatory. The study paper analyses how Pakistan, while protecting its national interests, helped reduce Tehran and Riyadh&apos;s animosity from 2016 onwards when tension escalated.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/saudiiran-rivalry-pakistans-role-from-neutrality-to-mediatory</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-III).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393914</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Comparative Study of the US and China&apos;s Policies towards South Asia in the 21st Century: Implications for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Manzoor Khan Afridi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Naveed Anjum</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zaheer Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Security Complex Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Since as a hegemon, the US has dominated the world through its unilateral policies and put  diverse effects on different regions. Since 2001, China is emerging as a powerful country on the world stage and increasing its influence in its neighbourhood, especially in South Asia, under Belt and Road Initiative. In South Asia, the US is exploiting Indian skepticism about Chinses policies to get its support against China. The Sino-US new Cold War is on the brink, and South Asia is a potential theatre. The competition has created a precarious situation for Pakistan, and it had to pick options with great care. This paper aims to analyze the US and China&apos;s policies in the economic, military and political spheres in South Asia and how their competition or cooperation will affect the region&apos;s stability, security, the balance of power and how it will affect Pakistan&apos;s policy options.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Politics &amp; International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD. Scholar, Department of Politics &amp; International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD. Scholar, Department of Politics &amp; International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/comparative-study-of-the-us-and-chinas-policies-towards-south-asia-in-the-21st-century-implications-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-III).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393952</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Central Asian States: Thirty Years of Independence</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Saima A Kayani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Maria Kanwal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Central Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nation Identity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>It has been three decades when five states of Central Asian region acquired their independence from former Soviet Union. Since 1991 Central Asian states are engaged in state and nation building process. These states in-order to be the part of world community are working on their national identities, democratic system and relations with other states. This article tries to examine the progress of central Asian states in the domain of building of national identity, democracy and foreign policy. It has been argued that all Central Asian states are making progress in national identity and foreign policy domain; however, democracy has yet to be developed in the region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Chairperson, Department of International Relations, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Assistant, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/central-asian-states-thirty-years-of-independence</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-III).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:393987</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Indian Hyper-Militarization under Modi Regime: A Threat for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Yasin Sultan Raja</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Rehan Zafar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ayesha Rana</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Militarization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balance of Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arms Race</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bulwark</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Over the years Pakistan has faced many internal and external threats. India always considered Pakistan as rival and made all out contributions to exacerbate the problems for Pakistan in all the domains of Politics and security. This paper will analyze the Indian militarization program involving huge weapons acquisition and signing different arms deals to unsettle Pakistan. Under the Government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, we have seen the rise in the procurement of Military weapons coupled with Hindutva nationalistic propaganda and the threats hurled at the security and national integrity of Pakistan. This process of militarization has significantly shifted the balance of power in India&apos;s favor, resulting in increasing aggressiveness on India&apos;s part, as seen by the 29 February 2019 Balakot strike. These all actions will bring more instability and destruction in South Asia which is already under severe economic crises especially post covid-19.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, NUML, Rawalpindi Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, NUML, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, NUML, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/indian-hypermilitarization-under-modi-regime-a-threat-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-III).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394102</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan&apos;s Alignment with the US: An Analysis of Costs and Benefits</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Haroon</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Alliances</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Costs and Benefits</dc:subject>
<dc:description>There have been many ups and downs in relations between the US and Pakistan, with divergent and convergent concerns. Each country has tried to influence the other with its own specific needs and goals. The main goal of Pakistan&apos;s alliance with the US was to secure its security against India and to receive significant financial and military support from the US. In this context Pakistan joined the US sponsored alliances. The paper attempts to examine the impacts of alliances on Pakistan during its alignment with theUS.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Shaheeed Benazir Bhutto Women University Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor &amp; Chairman, Department of Pakistan Studies, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, National Institute of Pakistan Studies (NIPS), Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pakistans-alignment-with-the-us-an-analysis-of-costs-and-benefits</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-III).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394041</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>News Coverage of US Withdrawal from Afghanistan: A Study of the Dawn, New York Post and Afghanistan Times (14th April - 31st August 2021)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aqdas Waheed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Amna Rafique</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shazia Ismail Toor</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>U.S Withdrawal</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Newspapers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>News Coverage</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Framing</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The aim of the present study is to investigate the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan in the news coverage of Pakistani newspaper Dawn, U.S. newspaper New York Post and Afghanistan newspaper Afghanistan Times during the period 14th April to 31st August 2021 in accordance with their foreign policy.The purpose of the study how the newspapers of three major stakeholder countries cover the withdrawal in the light of their respective national interest. The interest of these countries differs from one another in terms of foreign policy. Media is the fourth pillar of the state; the media can be a great way to promote any policy.Agenda-setting theory and media framing theory plays an important role in giving importance to certain aspects of news and ignoring certain aspects according to the set agenda. A mixed methods approach combination of qualitative and quantitative content analysis was used and three newspapers coverage was chosen. A total of 229 news were extracted. The results indicate that the news coverage contents of Pakistani, American, and Afghanistan newspapers are in accordance with their foreign policy. Results show each country’s media presents international issues pertaining to foreign policy in accordance with the national interest.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, University of Minhaj, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil., Department of Mass Communication, University of Minhaj, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/news-coverage-of-us-withdrawal-from-afghanistan-a-study-of-the-dawn-new-york-post-and-afghanistan-times-14th-april-31st-august-2021-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394270</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Impacts of Domestic Factors on the Foreign Policy of Pakistan (2008-2018)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hinna Rustam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Umar Dogar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ayesha Alam</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Domestic Factors</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Civilian Administrations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military Establishment</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Since its foundation, Pakistan&apos;s foreign policy has gone through many stages. Political leadership, location, economic strength, philosophical viewpoints, history, ideology, and cultural values all had a big impact on Pakistan&apos;s decision-making process when it came to its foreign policy. Due to financial and military support from other nations, Pakistan&apos;s foreign policy was reliant on them. Priorities for foreign policy are determined at every stage in accordance with the national interests of major nations. Pakistan&apos;s foreign policy was impacted by internal considerations. Due to political and economic instability, Pakistan faced a number of threats from its close neighbours and foreign powers between 2008 and 2018. In addition to domestic considerations, effective foreign policy was also hampered by political clashes among political leaders. Relationships with a rival state (India) and the sole superpower of the world (USA) were hampered by the military establishment and civilian administrations&apos; lack of collaboration.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Head, Department of Pakistan Studies, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/impacts-of-domestic-factors-on-the-foreign-policy-of-pakistan-20082018</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394294</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Navigating India&apos;s Counter Narrative over CPEC</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Nauman Akhtar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:description>China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the flagship project of the &apos;Belt and Road Initiative&apos; (BRI). It enters Pakistan through the territory of Gilgit Baltistan, claimed by India as part of Jammu and Kashmir. India claims that CPEC violates its territorial sovereignty. Therefore, India totally rejected CPEC. Moreover, the world community accepts Jammu and Kashmir as disputed territory. Due to these reasons, CPEC has become a bone of contention between Pakistan and India. India evaluates CPEC as a key strategic project that will be an instrument in China&apos;s diplomatic clout. It will also be detrimental to the geopolitical supremacy of India in South Asia. While on the other hand, Pakistan considers CPEC her economic lifeline and negates Indian assertation as baseless. The research will address the Indian narrative and Pakistan&apos;s counter-narrative related to CPEC.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD International Politics, Shandong University, Qingdao, China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/navigating-indias-counter-narrative-over-cpec</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394320</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Global Climate Change and Human Security Nexus: A Case of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Izzat Raazia</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asif Amin</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sheeba Irfan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Climate Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Adaptation and Mitigation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan is susceptible to climate variations such as floods, droughts, heat waves, and the glaciers melting have all had devastating effects on human security. Furthermore, people are forced to leave their homes due to continuous floods, making them more vulnerable to disease and economic collapse. The international cooperation needs to adopt policy responses and adaptation plans to develop resilience and reduce vulnerability to the effects of climate change. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Paris Agreement, adopted under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change are two landmark international legal instruments when it comes to addressing the human security implications of climate change. Despite these legal frameworks, climate change implications on human security are not being adequately addressed. Effectively human security crisis needs meaningful participation of affected communities that prioritize the most vulnerable populations and promotes the protection and fulfilment of human needs.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Doctoral Candidate, School of Integrated Social Sciences (SISS), The University of Lahore, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Integrated Social Sciences (SISS), The University of Lahore, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/global-climate-change-and-human-security-nexus-a-case-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394400</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Evolution of Russia-Pakistan Relations in the Context of Regional Cooperation: A Contemporary Study</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sahera Khatoon</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zahoor Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdul Haq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Regional Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-Political</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Integration</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The relationship between Russia and Pakistan has long been a subject of intrigue and scrutiny in the realm of international relations. This research paper delves into the intricacies of their evolving bond within the framework of regional cooperation, exploring the historical context, geopolitical landscapes, and thematic areas of collaboration. By carefully examining the ebb and flow of their relations, the study sets the stage for a comprehensive analysis of their present-day partnership. It uncovers the multifaceted nature of Russia-Pakistan’s engagement through a nuanced exploration of the South Asian geopolitical dynamics, including the interplay between India-Pakistan relations and Russia-India ties. Moreover, it unveils their joint efforts in the Afghan peace process, shedding light on the pivotal role of Afghanistan in shaping their relationship. With a nuanced perspective on the opportunities and obstacles for regional cooperation between these two states, this paper enriches our understanding of the evolving dynamics in politics, security, and economic integration in the broader South Asian context.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Center for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Head of Political Science Department, Edwards College Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of School of International and Public Affairs (SIPA), Jilin University, China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-evolution-of-russiapakistan-relations-in-the-context-of-regional-cooperation-a-contemporary-study</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394421</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>A Potential Game-Changer: The Abraham Accord and its Implications</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Naveed Zafar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adeel Irfan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Faisal Ilyas</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Abraham Accord</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dynastic Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Middle East Palestine</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Alliance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Status Quo</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study elucidates the relevance of the peace agreement between the UAE and Israel in reducing the country&apos;s ties to the Jewish state. The study&apos;s overarching goal is to decipher the truth behind the Abraham Accord and to explain the fundamental ideational variables like economy, politics, and defence that have contributed to this historical rapprochement and its influence in the region. With the global system in such a state of disarray, no country can be sure of the intentions or security of any other, driving them all into power politics. This is the framework that is used to make sense of the decision to normalize ties between the United Arab Emirates and Israel. The political, economic, and military aspirations of Middle Eastern governments as well as the fight of the United governments and Israel to imagine a new balance of power in the area independent of ideology have been examined.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar, School of Peace and Counter-Terrorism Studies, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Head and Assistant Professor, School of Peace and Counter-Terrorism Studies, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar School of Peace and Counter-Terrorism Studies, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/a-potential-gamechanger-the-abraham-accord-and-its-implications</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394427</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Securitizing The Iran Nuclear Deal: A Comparative Analysis Of Us Foreign Policy Under Obama, Trump And Biden (2015-2022)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Maryam Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kishwar Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Securitization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Desecuritization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Iran Nuclear Deal</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Based on the Copenhagen school of thought, the securitization theory is applied to examine the framing of the Iranian nuclear deal as a security threat to the United States (US). The paper examines the transition from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) to the Maximum Pressure Campaign under the Trump administration and the subsequent re-engagement efforts by the Biden administration. The research utilizes the theoretical framework of securitization to understand the securitizing actors, referent subjects, referent objects, audience, and context involved in the securitization process of the Iran nuclear deal. The paper also explores the implications of US foreign policy towards Iran&apos;s nuclear program for global nuclear non-proliferation efforts and its wider impact on US foreign policy in the Middle East. The findings contribute to a better understanding of the complexities and challenges of US foreign policy towards Iran&apos;s nuclear program, which is a key issue in international relations and nuclear non-proliferation efforts.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Student in International Relations, School of Integrated Social Sciences, University of Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Integrated Social Sciences, University of Lahore, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/securitizing-the-iran-nuclear-deal-a-comparative-analysis-of-us-foreign-policy-under-obama-trump-and-biden-20152022</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-I).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394450</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Indo-Pak Newspapers Coverage of the Pulwama Incident</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Asfandiyar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pulwama Incident</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kashmir Issue</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balakot Strike</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the political and military tensions between India and Pakistan, print media play an important role in stabilizing the issues or portraying the narrative of the state to the world. Both the countries spend more on defense in comparison to other sectors. The main reason for spending billions of USD on the military is the Kashmir issue. Though both countries have a long-lasted history of rivalry when it comes to the Kashmir issue after the Pulwama attack, the tensions between the two neighboring countries were the worst in the last thirty years. In such a horrible situation, media from both sides were busy defending their stances.This study aims to the comparison of Pulwama attack coverage in English newspapers from both sides (Daily Dawn from Pakistan &amp; the Hindu from India) that how these most circulated newspapers covered the whole conflict, what were their contributions to peace, and how they portrayed the stance of their governments. As the incident started on 14 February 2019 after the bomb blast, therefore we have covered editorials of both newspapers from 14 February to 5 March 2019. Both sides exaggerated the whole issue however; we noticed that Indian media and Political leadership used harsh words and false statements.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Faculty Member, Department of Journalism &amp; Mass Communication, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/indopak-newspapers-coverage-of-the-pulwama-incident</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-I).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394451</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>US Withdrawal from Afghanistan: Emerging Challenges and Future Prospects</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Saira Akram</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muqarrab Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>US Withdrawal</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Challenges</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism Resurgence</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The US withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 marked the end of almost two decades of military presence in the country. However, the withdrawal has created significant challenges and opportunities for Afghanistan, the region, and the international community. The Taliban&apos;s takeover of Afghanistan following the US withdrawal has raised concerns about security, human rights, governance, and the economic situation in the country. The international community needs to work together to ensure that Afghanistan remains stable, peaceful, and prosperous. Future prospects for Afghanistan include regional stability, diplomatic engagement, reconstruction and development, and counter-terrorism efforts. Regional stability is essential for Afghanistan&apos;s stability, and the international community needs to work with neighbouring countries to ensure peace and stability in the region. Diplomatic engagement with the Taliban is necessary to ensure adherence to international norms and standards, particularly in the areas of human rights and governance. Reconstruction and development efforts are crucial to help Afghanistan recover from the economic crisis and become self-sufficient.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/us-withdrawal-from-afghanistan-emerging-challenges-and-future-prospects</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-I).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394750</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Humanitarian crises in Afghanistan after re-emergence of Taliban and its implications for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Iqra Jathol</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sajida Begum</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bibi Saira</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Humanitarian Crises</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NATO Withdrawal</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article describes about the humanitarian crises in Afghanistan after Re-emergency of Taliban in Afghanistan. When spending more than 19 years in Afghanistan, US signed an agreement with Taliban to leave Afghanistan and US withdrew its troops slowly. Although the US was present through the three periods of administration in Afghanistan but president trump said that US should not be in Afghanistan in fourth period. After withdrawal of NATO forces Afghanistan is suffering with extreme hunger and poverty. In this way Humanitarian crisis has risen from last year after Taliban power. These crises also created serious security challenges to Pakistan. This paper aims to find the humanitarian crises after NATO withdrawal that indicates critical security concerns to Afghanistan and also for Pakistan and also tries to find some solutions through the lens of qualitative approach from existing literature and qualitative analysis.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department of Political Science, Govt College Women University, Sialkot, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Political Science, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Political Science, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/humanitarian-crises-in-afghanistan-after-reemergence-of-taliban-and-its-implications-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-I).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394103</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>War on Terror in Afghanistan; an Analysis of U.S Failed Policy</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammed Bilal Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zeeshan Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Maghfoor Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Al-Qaeda</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NATO</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Graveyard of Empire</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Bush&apos;s presidency begins with Al Qaeda attack on US territory, they adopted new strategies to counter radical Islamist groups and ensure American security, and the new setup established a new central agency, known as &apos;The Department of Homeland Security.&apos; Secondly, they decided to keep the war out of American territory and invaded Afghanistan and quash the sanctuaries of Al-Qaeda and get rid of the government in Afghanistan. Another strategy was &apos;the doctrine of Preventive war&apos; and the last action was against Saddam Hussain about whom they used to claim that Iraq possessed &quot;Weapon of Mass Destruction.&quot; They pursued Afghan Taliban, too, as the enemies of the United States. The reason for such war was that the Bush administration or war policy makers had no understanding of Afghan society. To such an ignorant invader over the complex society, the ethnically diverse and religiously traditional fault lines caused tremendous trouble.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduated in Political Science, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Student, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Student, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/war-on-terror-in-afghanistan-an-analysis-of-us-failed-policy</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394104</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>U.S Foreign Policies and Strategies of Bush, Obama and Trump Administration in Afghanistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Usman Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saif Ur Rehman</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Azka Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Al Qaeda</dc:subject>
<dc:description>President Bush focused on military action and regime change, with the goal of disrupting Al Qaeda&apos;s ability to launch terrorist attacks. Obama increased the U.S. military presence in Afghanistan and focused on building up the capacity of Afghan security forces and increasing diplomatic efforts. Conversely, Trump continued the drawdown of U.S. troops, increased airstrikes and attempted to revive peace talks with the Taliban. In February 2020, the U.S. signed a peace agreement with the Taliban, including a timetable for the withdrawal of all troops by May 2021. However, the peace process stalled, leading the Biden administration to extend the withdrawal deadline to August 31, 2021, and eventually withdraw all U.S. troops from the country.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of Politics and International Relation, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of Politics and IR, IIUI, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Fellow Global Policy and Research Institute Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/us-foreign-policies-and-strategies-of-bush-obama-and-trump-administration-in-afghanistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394105</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Examining the Implication of the Afghan-Soviet War on Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Manzoor Khan Afridi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Haroon</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Areeja Syed</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Soviet-Afghan War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cold War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Soviet-Afghan War was a crucial event in the Cold War era that had far-reaching implications on global politics and regional stability. The article explores the history of the conflict, including the political situation in Afghanistan prior to the invasion, Soviet strategies, and the significance of the war. The article also sheds light on the foreign policies of the United States during the Cold War and its role in the Soviet-Afghan conflict. Furthermore, the article delves into the role played by Pakistan in the Soviet- Afghan war and its impact on regional dynamics. The article provides valuable insights into the complex interplay of international and regional factors that shaped the outcome of the Soviet-Afghan War.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Politics &amp; IR, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar National Institute of Pakistan Studies (NIPS), Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Masters Research Scholar (International Politics), School of Politics and International Studies, University of Hull, UK.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/examining-the-implication-of-the-afghansoviet-war-on-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394106</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pulwama Attack: Implications on the India and Pakistan Bilateral Issue of the Indian Kashmir</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zeeshan Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Maghfoor Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Munazza</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Kashmir</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pulwama Attack</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>War</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Since the division of the subcontinent into two separate states, Kashmir remains a highly volatile region between the two nuclear powers of south Asia, constantly both powers involved in a series of tragic wars on Kashmir. Diplomatic efforts failed and pave way for war and the Pulwama attack was one of their expression. This study explores the bilateral relations between the two states in the wake of the Pulwama attack and its implications on bilateral relations and the region as a whole.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Student, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Student, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Student, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pulwama-attack-implications-on-the-india-and-pakistan-bilateral-issue-of-the-indian-kashmir</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394107</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Conceptualization of Eurasian Economic Union and OBOR as the New Economic Silk Road: Repercussions for Sino-Russia Relations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mariam Tahir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ashfaq Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Haroon</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>EEU</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Silk Road</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russian-Chinese Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>From the last few years, both states, China and Russia, have inaugurated China, Russia Eurasian indigenous system which is fostered as a means to the major Economic Union; one belt strengthens liaison with neighboring countries. The Eurasian one road; Silk Road &quot;Economic Union( EEU)&quot; unites the members of the countries into the intertwined solo enterprise; Central Asia requests furnishing a concept of free market, trade and freely movement of labor. One belt and One Road of China consists of two major systems in which one is maritime based while other is the land based. Both, land based and maritime based gambles concentrate on large scale construction and structure endeavor, which is majorly financed by Asian Investment Banks. The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the motivations and implications of these two significant economic ventures in the Eurasian region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Peace &amp; Conflict Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Peace &amp; Conflict Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar National Institute of Pakistan Studies (NIPS), Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/conceptualization-of-eurasian-economic-union-and-obor-as-the-new-economic-silk-road-repercussions-for-sinorussia-relations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(V-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394322</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Sino-Pakistan Relations: A Historical Journey of 70 Years</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Nauman Akhter</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan-China Friendship</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cold War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Xi Jinping</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Defense Relationship</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan-China friendship is the height of longstanding confidence, regardless of different cultures, political systems and religions. Both countries have evolved their bilateral relationship based on common values and belief systems. Pakistan recognized China in 1950. This relationship has been upgraded to a strategic partnership in 2005, signed a treaty following Friendship and Good Neighbourly relationship. Both countries have successfully managed their relationship over a long and tumultuous journey of 70 years. This study delineates Pakistan-China strategic relationships in different phases of history from 1950 to 2020.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD International Politics, Shandong University, Qingdao, China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/sinopakistan-relations-a-historical-journey-of-70-years</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394428</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Evolution of Russia-Pakistan Relations (1998-2023): From Strained Relations to Geo-Strategic Engagement</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Iram Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kishwar Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Machiavellian Common Cause</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Level of Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balance of Interests</dc:subject>
<dc:description>It is argued that Pakistan and Russia had visible patterns of enmity before the 21st century. However, the abandonment of ideological constraints and shift in geopolitics, incentivize both states to forge closer relations primarily because of Machiavellian common cause. The study intends to highlight the major factors during multiple stages under the various leaders of Russia and Pakistan that reshaped the priorities of both states&apos; vis a vis each other. Apropos of this view, three level of analysis is used to identify, individual, state and systematic factors, that act as an enabler and constraints in the growing relations between both countries. The study concludes that a balance of interests is key between Russia and Pakistan in complicated and multifaceted relations as both nations will look for opportunities to converge their interests while still pursuing their own geopolitical agendas.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Integrated Social Sciences, The University of Lahore, Lahore, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-evolution-of-russiapakistan-relations-19982023-from-strained-relations-to-geostrategic-engagement</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394489</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Bridging Borders: How the Indian Factor Affects Relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan after the  US-Taliban Peace Accord</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sana Ullah Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sajid Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Gulzar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Peace Accord</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pak-Afghan Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Proxy War</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Regional and local dynamics in Afghanistan have shifted since the US-Taliban peace pact. Pakistan is concerned about Indian involvement in Afghanistan. Afghanistan is geopolitically and strategically linked with Pakistan. After the US takeover of Afghanistan, Pakistan and India&apos;s longstanding rivalry entered a new phase. The pro-Indian regime strengthened Indian involvement in Afghanistan during the US occupation. New Delhi, Islamabad&apos;s archival, is trying to put Afghanistan in its sphere of influence to isolate Pakistan from its Western and regional politics. India has become more involved in Afghan issues. Pakistan suffered security, strategic, political, and economic consequences. Pakistan anticipated US exit would cease Indian involvement in Afghan affairs, and install a favourable regime. After the takeover, the Taliban urged Indian investment and good relations with India. Pakistan faces security, political, economic, diplomatic issues with Afghanistan. This paper examines the Indian component in Pakistan-Afghanistan relations, and the US- Taliban peace pact using Neo-realism, Balance of Power, and Prisoner Dilemma theories.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department Of Political Science, Qurtuba University Of Science &amp; Information Technology, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department Of Political Science, Qurtuba University Of Science &amp; Information Technology, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department Of Political Science, Qurtuba University Of Science &amp; Information Technology, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/bridging-borders-how-the-indian-factor-affects-relations-between-pakistan-and-afghanistan-after-the-ustaliban-peace-accord</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394501</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Unravelling the Correlation of Intractability and Human Security in the Kashmir Conflict: An Analysis using Edward Azar&apos;s Social Protracted Conflict Theory</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Qurat-Ul-Ain Shabbir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shabana Fayyaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Intractability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kashmir Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Protracted Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study explores the relationship between intractability and human security challenges in conflicts. Human security plays a crucial role in intractable conflicts, acting as both a cause and an effect.When individuals are denied human security, conflicts tend to emerge, persist, and escalate. Addressing human security concerns is essential to break the cycle of intractability. The study applies Edward Azar&apos;s Social Protracted theory to examine the connection between human security and intractability. Using Azar&apos;s framework, the Genesis phase focuses on identifying the underlying issues of identity and autonomy in the Kashmir conflict. The second phase analyzes how events over time have created new dynamics in the Kashmir conflict, potentially escalating it to the point of intractability. The third phase explores the negative effects of the intractability on the affected population, leading to pessimism and additional human security challenges.The study underscores the importance of considering human security in efforts to address intractable conflicts.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Defense and Strategic Studies, Quaid-I-Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Head of Department of Defense and Strategic Studies, Quaid-I-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/unravelling-the-correlation-of-intractability-and-human-security-in-the-kashmir-conflict-an-analysis-using-edward-azars-social-protracted-conflict-theory</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394522</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Analyzing Digital Propaganda in the Indian Sub-continent</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Inam ur Rahman</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shabir Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mariam Asif</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indian Digital Propaganda</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan Response</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Algorithms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Visuals</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Conflicts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Populism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Regional This article examines the existing response strategies of Pakistan to Indian digital propaganda. By analyzing selected hashtags over the past five years, media reports, policy matters and academic scholarship, the researcher has identified a number of deficiencies in the prevalent approach and offers policy recommendations for better practices. Overall, this article recommends that Pakistan should articulate a response strategy that has clear objectives, is powered by algorithms, should include news actors and utilize the void created by Modi’s ideological populism in India.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor/Incharge, Department of Media and Communication Studies (DMCS), International Islamic University (IIU), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Media Studies, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, National Institute of Pakistan Studies, Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/analyzing-digital-propaganda-in-the-indian-subcontinent</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394524</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan-Iran and the Trump Administration from 2016 to 2020</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Qadir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mirwais Kasi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Iran</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nuclear</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Populism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sanctions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trump</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Donald Trump and his phenomenon of populism in the Western world are explained in this study. His blistering attack on Pakistan in a speech for receiving a massive amount in coalition support program but not doing enough against the Taliban, particularly against the Haqqani network is discussed.Ultimately the US did cut off and stopped the support fund but Pakistan didn&apos;t go against the Taliban for its own reasons. With the advent of Imran Khan&apos;s Populist government, the relations between US and Pakistan turned sour US didn&apos;t completely disengage itself from Pakistan, however, Pakistan&apos;s economic woes increased. Trump also unilaterally withdrew from the landmark Iranian nuclear deal to the utter dismay of its European allies. Pakistan&apos;s President Imran Khan tried to have better relations between Iran and Pakistan but the Saudi factor has impinged upon the relations between the two countries. The role of leadership has also delved into which steers the relations in a certain direction and impacts the policies of acountry.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Chairperson, Department of International Relations, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pakistaniran-and-the-trump-administration-from-2016-to-2020</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394537</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Comparative Analysis of Taliban Regimes to Assess the Global Challenges in Afghanistan: A Realist Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sajid Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regime</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Challenges</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Realism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistanâ€™s role</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper delves into the challenges faced by the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, impacting their legitimacy and stability. These challenges encompass economic, humanitarian, and security issues similar to the previous Taliban regime from 1996 to 2001, along with new challenges arising from shifts in global security and politics. With a focus on international relations theory, specifically realism, the paper analyzes neighboring countries&apos; responses to Taliban rule and their implications for regional security. Additionally, it examines potential spillover effects, such as increased terrorism and refugee flows. The paper advocates for a coordinated and multifaceted approach, considering the intricate political, social, and economic factors at play in Afghanistan. Emphasizing Pakistan&apos;s role due to its socio-cultural ties with Afghanistan, the paper encourages policymakers to involve governments, corporations, organizations, and international groups. Further research is necessary to develop effective strategies in addressing these challenges and promoting regional security and stability.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar/Lecturer, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/comparative-analysis-of-taliban-regimes-to-assess-the-global-challenges-in-afghanistan-a-realist-perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394642</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pak-Afghan Relations and Taliban Factor</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Waqar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shahid Pervaiz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muqarrab Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>FATA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Baluchistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kabul</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan and Afghanistan both are states that have not enjoyed cordial relations with each other but both have common characteristics in their culture, religious affinity and geopolitics. There has been a perception of Afghans about Pakistan that it is the only country that paved the way for foreign powers to militarize Afghan territory. On the other hand, Pakistan always remains distrustful of Afghanistan over its pro-Indian policies leading to unrest in Baluchistan and FATA. Hence the situation of both countries has reached such a level that they can&apos;t afford any type of hostility, misadventure and mistrust. This paper analyzes how these factors of distrust between both countries will drive the relations after the reemergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan.¬¬¬ The paper also aims to how Pakistan has responded to the reemergence of the Taliban after the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pakafghan-relations-and-taliban-factor</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-II).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394734</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Exploring the Global Influence of the United States: A Brief Insight</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Javeria Noor Sawal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mujeeb Mangal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>United States</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>WWII</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Influence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>American Policies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Institutions</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the aftermath of WWII, the United States emerged as a predominant global power and exerted its influence in various domains including politics, economics, and security. This paper provides an overview of the United States&apos; ascent to global prominence, examining key events such as establishing the Bretton Woods system, forming international institutions like the United Nations, and implementing the Marshall Plan. By analyzing these historical milestones, it is aimed to shed light on how the United States shaped the post-World War II global order. Through a concise and informative lens, this paper explores the far-reaching impact of American policies, alliances, and cultural exports on the international stage. The significance of this paper is contributed by the comprehensive understanding of the historical events that propelled the United States to become the influential power it is today.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil, Department of Political Science, Qurtuba University of Science &amp; IT, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of Political Science, Qurtuba University of Science &amp; IT, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/exploring-the-global-influence-of-the-united-states-a-brief-insight</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-II).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394736</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Foreign Policy Of Pakistan Major Determinant And Relations With Countries</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Amer Liaquat Chattha</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Economic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research paper delves into the foreign policy of Pakistan with a primary focus on major determinants. The study is conducted by analyzing the historical dimensions of Pakistan&apos;s foreign policy and highlighting the key factors in its formulation considering the relations with other countries. A comprehensive analysis is established by utilizing the qualitative method of research and scholarly literature available on the subject. There is a number of factors that influence Pakistan&apos;s relations with countries: economic vitality, security dynamics, and geo-political landscape; particularly, in the context of its relations with key stakeholders such as India, Afghanistan, China, and the United States. In concluding remarks, the study underscores the inevitability of the geo-economic aspect of the security-oriented foreign policy paradigm of Pakistan. In the contemporary hyper-globalized world mega projects like One Belt One Road (OBOR) have extreme potential to make Pakistan an important competitor in the global arena.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Deputy Director Research, Provincial Assembly Of The Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/foreign-policy-of-pakistan-major-determinant-and-relations-with-countries</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-II).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394870</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-09-30</datestamp>
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<dc:title>Diplomatic Complexity: Effects of Pakistan&apos;s Closer Relations with Russia on its Ties with the US</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hamza Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>United States</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Imran Khan Tenure</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Shehbaz Sharif Tenure</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Challenges of Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The article explores the evolving dynamics of Pakistan&apos;s diplomatic relationships with Russia and the United States in the contemporary era. It delves into the multifaceted impacts of Pakistan&apos;s growing proximity to Russia on its traditional partnership with the United States. The shifting global landscape influenced by geopolitical realities, regional security concerns, and economic interests, plays a pivotal role in shaping this diplomatic complexity. The article highlights the need for Pakistan to navigate a delicate balance between these relationships to safeguard its national interests while adapting to the ever-changing dynamics of international politics.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Post Graduate Scholar, Department of International Relations, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/diplomatic-complexity-effects-of-pakistans-closer-relations-with-russia-on-its-ties-with-the-us</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-III).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394951</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-09-30</datestamp>
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<dc:title>Colonial Missions To Africa: A Case Study of China&apos;s Secret Mission And New Policy In Africa</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Brel Grace Mangalala</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Colonial-mission</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Secret-mission</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>New-policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Re-colonization</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The 19th and 20th centuries have been for European missions to Africa. The main goal of the European missions to Africa was to civilize and exploit the Africans in their own territories because they needed the resources of Africa. This paper demonstrates that the 21st century is also a century for China to invade and re-colonize Africa through a new policy of loans, aid, assistance, technology, cultural exchange and the signing of colonial pacts such as the secret socio-economic and political treaties. Through a historical perspective based on the comparison, the study reveals that China has the same purposes and intentions as the Europeans when coming to Africa because China is not a friend of Africa. China does not love Africa, but its secret mission is to corrupt African leaders through loans and grants by bringing little assistance in order to rob Africa&apos;s raw materials and take over the land.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar &amp; Assistant lecturer, Department of Foreign and Modern Languages, Faculty of Arts &amp; Humanities, University of Marien Ngouabi, Brazzaville, Republic of the Congo.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/colonial-missions-to-africa-a-case-study-of-chinas-secret-mission-and-new-policy-in-africa</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-III).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394952</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Kashmir Conflict after Article 370 and 35 A: Challenges and Options for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nosherwan Adil</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Yasin Sultan Raja</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Article 370</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Article 35 A</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Historical Grievances</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Diplomatic Isolation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Right Concerns</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research explores the complex dynamics of the Kashmir Conflict following the abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35A by the Indian government on August 5, 2019. The historical roots of the incessant dispute, stemming from the British partition of the Indian Sub-continent, set the stage for ongoing tensions between two regional arch-rivals, Pakistan and India over the region. The revocation of constitutional provisions granting special privileges and autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir presents various challenges for Pakistan. Internal security concerns, diplomatic isolation, humanitarian issues, and economic implications form critical challenges. The options of Pakistan include bilateral talks, diplomatic engagement, humanitarian initiatives, promoting internal reforms, and regional stability. Balancing these challenges and options requires navigating a complex geopolitical and strategic landscape, recognizing historical grievances, and fostering peace and stability in the region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/kashmir-conflict-after-article-370-and-35-a-challenges-and-options-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-III).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394953</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Role of US in Iran-Saudi Conflict: Implications on the Middle East</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Roshni Najmul Ghani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Marva Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hamza Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Dynamics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>United States Engagement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sanctions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Aspects</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balance of Power</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The study examines the Iran-Saudi conflict and the role of the United States in shaping its dynamics. The study explores the United States&apos; engagement in the region, analyzing its motivations,interests, and diplomatic interventions. It also delves into the military dimension of the United States&apos;involvement, discussing strategic considerations and implications for regional security. Additionally, the study investigates the economic aspects, such as sanctions and arms sales, and their impact on stability and the balance of power.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of Political Science, Women University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of Political Science, Women University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of International Relations, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KPK Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-role-of-us-in-iransaudi-conflict-implications-on-the-middle-east</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-III).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394954</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Impact of Artificial Intelligence in Arms Race, Diplomacy, and Economy: A Case Study of Great Power Competition between the US and China</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Rauf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sajid Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Artificial General Intelligence(AGI)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Digital Connectivity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arms Race</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Autonomous weapons</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>United Nations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>United States of America</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the contemporary era, the demand for Artificial Intelligence (AI) is paramount, with existing applications in weak AI seen in products like smartphones, employing features such as Siri, voice recognition, and image recognition. The proliferation of AI extends beyond consumer goods to impact the arms race, diplomacy, and the economy. The emergence of advanced AI models like ChatGPT has intensified the global AI competition among states and tech companies. While nations integrate AI into military technologies, concerns arise about the implications of Artificial General Intelligence (AGI). Scholars debate its potential role in global dominance, job displacement, and economic impact. Despite predictions of job creation, the shift towards AGI requires careful consideration to ensure positive outcomes rather than detrimental consequences for humanity&apos;s future in the realm of Artificial Intelligence.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/impact-of-artificial-intelligence-in-arms-race-diplomacy-and-economy-a-case-study-of-great-power-competition-between-the-us-and-china</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-III).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394943</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>US Withdrawal from Afghanistan: An Analysis of the Root Causes</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mahnoor Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Intervention</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Causes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Withdrawal.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Afghanistan has remained under the rule of different powers but none of them could completely control it and had to leave it for different reasons. World powers had a keen interest and intervened in the state but could not stay there for long. This study has mainly focused on exploring the main causes behind the US withdrawal from Afghanistan. The study was conducted using qualitative data from secondary sources. The main causes behind the US failure are a lack of awareness about the Taliban&apos;s nature, corruption, US over-confidence improper management of resources etc. The value of the work can be better judged by observing the contemporary complex world where the US has been criticized among the community of nations for its withdrawal and could assign a new role to the US in the near future.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Post Graduate Scholar, Department of Political Science, Women University Mardan, KPK, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University Peshawar, KPK, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/us-withdrawal-from-afghanistan-an-analysis-of-the-root-causes</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394944</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Indo-US Nuclear Deal: Implications for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Azmat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ahsan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sana Asghar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>NPT (Non-Proliferation Treaty)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NSG (Nuclear Suppliers Group)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>United States</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Indo-US nuclear deal a critical understanding between America and India, was signed in 2008. Even though India wasn’t a member of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), this agreement granted essential autonomy to India for obtaining nuclear technology and fuel for peaceful reasons. The development of India&apos;s nuclear capabilities has dramatically enhanced the nation&apos;s energy security and permitted the use of atomic energy in various industries, including agriculture, healthcare, and power production. The Indo-U.S.nuclear deal significantly impacted the worldwide non-nuclear regime. The pact&apos;s unintended message was feared to weaken the non-proliferation system. This article examines the present alliance between the United States and India and their cooperation in nuclear technologies. Furthermore, this research is based on qualitative data; this article will discuss how the Indo-US strategic collaboration directly impacts Pakistan and other global nuclear regimes.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of International Relations, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of International Relations, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of International Relations, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/indous-nuclear-deal-implications-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394945</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Understanding the Nexus Between Afghan Taliban and TTP: Challenges and Opportunities for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Musa Kaleem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sajid Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghan Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power Dynamics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cease-fire Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Militant Groups</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitical Dynamics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Proxy Conflicts</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper delves into the intricate dynamics of Afghanistan&apos;s relationship with Pakistan, especially in light of a potential Taliban resurgence and its repercussions on Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The TTP&apos;s strategic realignment, transitioning from collaboration with the Afghan Taliban to destabilizing Pakistan, is examined through a qualitative approach rooted in structural realism. The analysis contextualizes Afghanistan-Pakistan relations historically, considering security, and geopolitical implications. It scrutinizes the TTP&apos;s resurgence, attributing causes to internal shifts, external support, and regional changes. The study explores avenues for stability in the region, emphasizing economic cooperation&apos;s potential. Insights are drawn on how Pakistan tackles the TTP resurgence, encompassing foreign relations, economic resources, and internal politics. While structural realism sheds light on power dynamics, the paper underscores the imperative to manage Afghanistan-Pakistan relations to avert further regional upheaval.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/understanding-the-nexus-between-afghan-taliban-and-ttp-challenges-and-opportunities-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394946</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Germany&apos;s Response towards Russia-Ukraine Conflict</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hafsa Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Russian-Ukrain conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Germany</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Energy sector</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Challenges</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Opportunities.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Russia-Ukraine war has had a profound impact on energy security in Europe, with Germany facing unique challenges and opportunities as one of the largest energy consumers in the region. This case study examines the implications of the conflict on energy security, focusing on Germany&apos;s response. It analyzes the reasons behind Germany&apos;s support for the project, such as diversification of energy sources, economic interests, and political influence. It also delves into the concerns raised by the European Union and the United States regarding the project&apos;s impact on energy diversification, geopolitical dynamics, and the interests of Eastern European countries. The findings contribute to the understanding of energy security dynamics and offer valuable insights for policymakers, energy experts, and stakeholders involved in shaping resilient and sustainable energy systems amidst geopolitical uncertainties.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of International Relations, COMSATS University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/germanys-response-towards-russiaukraine-conflict</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:394947</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Melting Ice, Rising Tensions: China&apos;s Arctic Presence and Implications for the United States</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Virda Azam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sajid Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Melting Ice</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arctic Ocean</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US Global Temperature</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Arctic Ocean Region is experiencing a transformation and is remoulding abruptly from an ice-covered region to an economic zone, influenced by the rising Global temperatures. This transformation has unplugged new avenues for maritime activities as well as intensified the Geopolitical dynamics. This study investigates and analyzes the rising tensions prompted by the increasing presence and activities of China in the Arctic region and the potential implications for the USA. Adopting a Qualitative approach, this research analyzes and examines the PRC&apos;s involvement and activities in the region along with the Arctic Policies of the PRC and the United States. The study explores the complex interplay of interests and motives of both powers and potential implications and challenges arising from the growing Chinese presence of the USA in the strategically important region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/melting-ice-rising-tensions-chinas-arctic-presence-and-implications-for-the-united-states</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(VI-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395381</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Analyzing The Resurgence of TTP and ISKP: Pakistan’s Threat Landscape and Securitization Theoretical Framework</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Riaz Ahmed Kakar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>TTP</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>ISKP</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Resurgence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Securitization Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research paper aims to analyze the resurgence of the two prominent terrorist organizations – TTP and ISKP. Pakistan is already faced with immense challenges in the form of political polarization and socioeconomic instability. The resurgence of TTP and ISKP adds to the mounting security challenges. The recent expansion of militant activities across the country indicates an on-again nature of insurgency that TTP and ISKP have waged against Pakistan. The reintegration of the significant splinter groups expanded jihad against Pakistan. A thorough reassessment of the resurgence and its impact on Pakistan&apos;s national security is made by employing a securitization theory. The resurgence of TTP and ISKP and their attempted comeback demands a more rigorous examination of the plethora of factors that might assist the rebuilding of the said terrorist organizations. This research intends to fill the literature gap that persists regarding the resurgence of the two aforementioned groups.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of International Relations, National Defense University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/analyzing-the-resurgence-of-ttp-and-iskp-pakistans-threat-landscape-and-securitization-theoretical-framework</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2024(VII-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395474</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Indo-American Relations during Narendra Modi’s Era: A Critical Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Maryam Shahbaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sadia Nawab</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indo-American Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Partnerships</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Engagement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Howdy Modi Event</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The administration of Narendra Modi in India has been active in signing agreements on clean energy and focusing on advancing renewable energy strategies in India. Narendra Modi&apos;s clean energy initiative has boosted his image in public. Under Narendra Modi India&apos;s economy has seen significant development which contributed to the satisfactory political standing of the Bhartiya Janata Party(BJP). Narendra Modi&apos;s efforts to develop friendly relations with the President of the United States Donald Trump were aimed at balancing trade relations as well as security concerns in Asia. Diplomatic ties between India and America have grown significantly under Modi through several collaborations and high-profile events. The joint visit of Modi and Trump to Motera Stadium in India highlighted their growing Diplomatic and personal relations. They focused on Tackling terrorism, securing a safer 5G network, and enhancing energy partnerships. Despite collaborations, there were challenges in their relations regarding trade issues and deviating priorities.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/indoamerican-relations-during-narendra-modis-era-a-critical-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2024(VII-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395526</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>China’s Presence in the Middle East and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mubashra Shaheen</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shah Nawaz Mangi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>BRI</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Middle East</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Economic Connectivity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Challenges</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Middle East, being a hub of energy and oil resources, is of great importance to China in the highly interconnected globalized world. China&apos;s recent and enhanced presence in the Middle East refers to China&apos;s BRI aimed at regional economic integration in Middle Eastern countries. BRI poses multiple prospects and critical geo-strategic challenges for China in the Middle East. The paper provides an important analysis of how China and the Middle East region are changing their course under the realm of BRI. Qualitative analysis will be used in this study to help improve the regional partnership and economic growth made possible by the BRI, as well as its hindrances. The study also aims to provide an inclusive understanding of China&apos;s strategic goals and interests in the Middle East in the framework of the BRI.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science,  Higher Education Department, Punjab Govt, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Government College University, Hyderabad, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/chinas-presence-in-the-middle-east-and-belt-and-road-initiative-bri</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2024(VII-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395532</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of Pakistani Diaspora in US Foreign Policy</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Muhammad Ali Zaidi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Diaspora</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nexus</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Academic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistani</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nuclear</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Victim</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Labor</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Culture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Communities</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nostalgia</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Diaspora Studies have become an essential academic discipline nowadays as previously diaspora was just a scattered population who fled from their host countries due to economic reasons, threats, wars, political unrest, genocide, ethnic cleansing, and violence but it has become an asset for other nations due to the migration of intellectuals, Surgeons, IT Professionals, Lawyers, etc. and developed countries like the USA, Canada, Australia, UK, etc. have started the process of immigration and are inviting skilled labor from the globe which have caused brain drain in several countries and host countries are taking benefit of the educated diaspora similarly Pakistani diaspora have migrated to USA and are part of their system and essential stakeholder in foreign policy formulation process towards Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Area Study Center, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/role-of-pakistani-diaspora-in-us-foreign-policy</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2024(VII-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395540</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Assessing the Efficacy of Sanctions in Conflict Resolution Evolution: A Case Study of Russo-Ukraine War</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Farhat Konain Shujahi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ahmed Saeed Minhas</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aayla Areej</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Russo-Ukraine War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International sanctions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia&apos;s Resilience</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sanctions Effectiveness</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Conflict Resolution</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Wars and conflicts have been redefining international politics. Engaging in conflicts elicits many reactions from different nations throughout the globe, and one such reaction is the use of sanctions to restrict the exacerbating rivalries. In the context of the ongoing Russo-Ukraine War, the ineffectiveness of sanctions may be attributed to the regime type in Russia and the intricate interplay between various strategic elements. Multiple variables have contributed to this outcome. Russia&apos;s ability to withstand from challenges, together with its effective measures in reaction to enforced sanctions, is assumed to be primarily its national will and resilience. The paper is to examine the efficacy of sanctions in settling the war, specifically focusing on the instance of Russia&apos;s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Additionally, it seeks to assess the efficiency of sanctions put on Russia in 2014 besides endeavoring to reveal the aspects that contribute towards making penalties inter-alia sanctions effective and pragmatic.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of IR, National University of Modern Language, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of International Relations, DHA Suffa University, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Researcher, Department of IR, National University of Modern Language, Islamabad., Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/assessing-the-efficacy-of-sanctions-in-conflict-resolution-evolution-a-case-study-of-russoukraine-war-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2024(VII-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395541</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Geopolitics of Connectivity in the 21st Century and the Changing World Order</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Rehan Zafar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noman Omar Sattar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Global Connectivity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitical Goals</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cold War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Proxy Wars</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper seeks to explore the importance and utilization of global connectivity in terms of economic, infrastructural, digital, and strategic levels for geopolitical goals by major powers and its possible implications. This is done so in the context of the rising multi-polarity and the supposed decline of the US status as the preeminent power in the existing world order. The paper explores the Chinese strategy to overcome its natural geographic disadvantages through the colossal undertaking of OBOR as well as how this project has inspired the emergence of various other supporting as well as competing trade routes. The United States seems to be reverting its successful Cold War era strategy of containment against China albeit through the use of forming strategic alliances and using proxy wars in strategic regions for this purpose while analyzing the risks associated with this strategy as well as possible alternatives available to the United States.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Area Study Center, Quaid-e-Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor (Rtd), Area Study Center, Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/geopolitics-of-connectivity-in-the-21st-century-and-the-changing-world-order</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2024(VII-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395548</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Artificial Intelligence and Legal Decision-Making in the USA and Pakistan: A Critical Appreciation of Regulatory Frameworks</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bakht Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Akhtar Ali Ansari</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Yasir Arafat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>AI</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Accountability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bias</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethical Considerations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National AI Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regulatory Oversight</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US AI Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Artificial Intelligence (AI) is substituting human decision-making in every aspect of life where law stands with no exception. New technological trends offer expeditious and cost-effective AI tools yet confront challenges such as privacy invasion, bias, fairness, and hallucinations, necessitating regulatory oversight. Like other countries, the USA and Pakistan have initiated AI solutions in their legal domain. A strong regulatory oversight is indispensable for its legitimacy and efficiency. Based on their functions and ethical considerations, AI tools in the legal profession face competing opinions. With qualitative research methodology, the research aims to explore how AI is transforming and reshaping the legal regime, focused on the comparative analysis of the USA and Pakistan. The research paper critically examines the legal frameworks and impacts of AI solutions and how both countries navigate the complexities of AI-based decision-making.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Postdoctoral Research Fellow, School of Law, University of Kansas, United States of America (USA).</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>LL.M. Scholar, Department of Law, University of Lahore (UOL), Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>LL.M Scholar, Department of Law University of Lahore (UOL), Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/artificial-intelligence-and-legal-decisionmaking-in-the-usa-and-pakistan-a-critical-appreciation-of-regulatory-frameworks</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2024(VII-IV).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395556</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Corpus-Assisted Sentiment Analysis of News Headlines on Palestine-Israel Conflict: A Computational Approach</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Umar Razaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noor Naeem</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sentiment Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Framing</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Palestine-Israel Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Machine Learning</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Identity Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>News Headlines</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Computational Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In this study, corpus-assisted sentiment analysis is used to explore how news headlines frame the Palestine–Israel conflict by analyzing a dataset consisting of 5000 news headlines retrieved from Google News. The sentiment of headlines was classified as positive, negative, or neutral, using a supervised machine learning approach of logistic regression. The sentiment analysis results reveal a dominance of neutral sentiment, with considerable positive sentiment, which is indicative of the resolution-centered framing employed by the media outlets. The study adopts the Media Framing theory and Social Identity theory to establish how media framing impacts public perception and reinforces social identity-based bias. The results highlight the importance of better balanced and solution-oriented reporting in support of conflict resolution efforts. However, the strong presence of negative sentiment, on the contrary, is indicative of media outlets&apos; conflict-oriented framing.  Sentiment analysis could be used as a useful tool for policymakers, journalists, and researchers to gauge the effect of media storytelling on public opinion. For future research, multilingual and longitudinal sentiment analysis can be extended to analyze the changing media discourses in a different cultural context.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar English Linguistics, Department of English, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar English Linguistics, Department of English, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/corpusassisted-sentiment-analysis-of-news-headlines-on-palestineisrael-conflict-a-computational-approach</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2024(VII-IV).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
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<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
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<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395645</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>China’s Multilateral Strategy in Post-American Afghanistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aamer Raza</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Urwa Sajjad Ahmed Abbasi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>China-Afghanistan Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US Withdrawal</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Multilateralism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The US withdrawal from Afghanistan and the subsequent takeover of the country by the Taliban created a dilemma for the People&apos;s Republic of China. The Chinese leaders are wary of getting embroiled in the complex situation in Afghanistan. However, they also realize that without proper engagement, the country poses the threat of adverse outcomes for China. This study departs from such an idea and holds that the Chinese approach to a Taliban-led Afghanistan in the aftermath of the US withdrawal is one that is informed by the failure of the United States and its allies. The article describes the Chinese strategy towards Afghanistan as regional and multilateral. This multilateralism suggests that the Chinese are wary of repeating the missteps of NATO and the West. It also indicates the Chinese desire to avoid a regional competition involving Afghanistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer (Visiting), School of Politics and International Relations, Quaid e Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
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<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/chinas-multilateral-strategy-in-postamerican-afghanistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2024(VII-IV).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
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<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395724</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Cognitive Bias and Crisis Signaling: The Psychological Drivers of Foreign Policy Decisions</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Dawood Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Political Psychology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cognitive Bias</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Motivated Reasoning</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Rationalist Bargaining Model</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Crisis Signaling</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper extrapolates the extent to which political psychology, with special reference to cognitive biases and motivated reasoning, transforms the foreign policy decision makers&apos; ability to signal resolution during international crises. Based on the theoretical contributions from Jervis, Kahneman, and Mercer, the paper investigates how various psychological factors, such as the emotional association with prior beliefs and distortions such as overconfidence, can have a strong influence on communication between adversaries. By making use of a qualitative and interpretive framework, the paper develops strong psychological insights into the theories of international relations by making a strong challenge to the premises of the rationalist bargaining model. The paper concludes by analyzing the limitations of rationalist models and the utmost need to integrate psychological variables into the study of strategic communication.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Warwick, Coventry, United Kingdom.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/cognitive-bias-and-crisis-signaling-the-psychological-drivers-of-foreign-policy-decisions</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2024(VII-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
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<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395554</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan Relations with the Republic of Korea and Democratic People&apos;s Republic of Korea: A Comparative Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tehseena Masood</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Afira Mujeeb</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>DPRK (Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Republic of Korea</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nuclear Program</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Ties</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The purpose of this research is to elucidate Pakistan&apos;s relations with North and South Korea. A number of intrinsic restrictions need to be taken into consideration while comparing Pakistan&apos;s diplomatic ties with the Democratic People&apos;s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and the Republic of Korea (ROK). First of all, because of concerns over politics and information control in both the DPRK and the ROK, obtaining thorough and up-to-date information from diplomatic sources is extremely difficult. Pakistan with South Korea and North Korea have historical relations when they established mutual respect and trust. A strong economic alliance has been paved with years of trade and investment cooperation. By recognizing the complexity of diplomatic relations between Pakistan, the Republic of Korea, and the Democratic People&apos;s Republic of Korea and aiming for thorough and perceptive research, addressing these constraints has improved the subject matter.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department ofInternational Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pakistan-relations-with-the-republic-of-korea-and-democratic-peoples-republic-of-korea-a-comparative-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395581</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Nation Banding of Japan Through Cultural Diplomacy</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Alisha Shafiq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saima A Kayani</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Cool Japan Campaign</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cultural Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Anime</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Manga</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Games and Cuisine</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research work explores the role of culture in the nation branding strategies of Japan. By examining key initiatives such as the promotion of traditional culture (culinary traditions) along with contemporary cultural exports (anime), the study highlights the strategic role of culture in nation branding of Japan. Moreover, this paper explores the “Cool Japan” campaign, a strategy to share Japan’s attractiveness and appeal with global audience. This Cool Japan can be considered as the corner stone of the soft power policy of Japan. Through these efforts, Japan not only strengthens its international relations but also fortifies its national identity amidst a rapidly changing global landscape. Thus it is argued in this research work that through cool Japan campaign and cultural diplomacy (traditional and modern) Japan is able to improve its image internationally, achieve its nation cohesion and grow its economy significantly.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of International Relations Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Head of Department, Department of International Relations, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/nation-banding-of-japan-through-cultural-diplomacy</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395583</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Nuclearization of Indian Ocean and its Impact on Pakistan&apos;s Maritime Security</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Dawood Usman</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mohammad Irfan Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdur Rehman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Nuclearization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indian Ocean Nuclear Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Threat to Pakistan Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Implication for Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research paper aims to explore the nuclearization of Indian Ocean by world’s nuclear power states i.e., India, China directly and United States indirectly and its probable repercussions on Pakistan. The militarization of Indian ocean is directly connected to Pakistan’s security and stability. This research will analyze India’s action of turning the Indian Ocean into a nuclearized space to gain dominance in Indian Ocean Region through its land based nuclear assets and nuclear infrastructure. This research will utilize the Theory of Maritime Security and employed exploratory qualitative research methodology by using the primary and secondary data. By adding to the discourse on Indian ocean region, this research will apprise readers with the possible solutions and ways Pakistan can adopt to combat the treats and gain regional stability. Therefore, destabilizes the balance of power and the odds of violence, too, which bear implications of insecurity at the multilateral level.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of International Relations, University of Central Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Central Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Central Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/nuclearization-of-indian-ocean-and-its-impact-on-pakistans-maritime-security</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395594</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Gwadar Port as an Emerging Hub in New Great Game: Opportunities and Challenges for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ramzan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hina Adeeb</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trade Routes Chabahar Port</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Rivalries</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Gwadar Port has emerged as a crucial player in global trade and geopolitics, particularly in the New Great Game unfolding in Central Asia. Initially envisioned as a trade and transit hub, it now serves as a strategic asset for China, securing energy supply routes through CPEC and expanding its influence in the Indian Ocean. India perceives Gwadar as a threat to its regional dominance and counters it by investing in Iran’s Chabahar Port to strengthen connectivity with Central Asia. The United States also opposes China’s growing presence in the region, raising concerns over strategic dominance. Meanwhile, Central Asian states view Gwadar as a key trade corridor providing access to warm waters. However, regional tensions, security challenges, and competing interests hinder their full potential. This study explores Gwadar’s economic and strategic significance, the evolving power dynamics surrounding it, and policy recommendations for Pakistan to establish Gwadar as a major global trade and economic hub.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media, Creative Arts, and Global Political Studies, Emerson University Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Vice Chancellor, Emerson University Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Faculty of Media and Mass Communication, University of Central Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/gwadar-port-as-an-emerging-hub-in-new-great-game-opportunities-and-challenges-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
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<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395637</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan’s Role in Regional Security: Challenges and Opportunities in the Changing Geopolitical Landscape</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Saima Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nuclear Capabilities</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (Cpec)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Power Dynamics</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research looks at Pakistan’s place in the regional security in South Asia with regard to its strategic location, nuclear capacities and domestic security issue. Since one of the major players in the region Pakistan, Pakistan suffers from a territorial dispute, mainly Kashmir conflict, and also faces internal threats like terrorism and insurgency. However, Pakistan enjoys strategic affiliations, particularly with China, via the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) which enhances economic and geopolitical positioning of the country. Additionally, the study examines the impact of a changing world order, especially a US-China rivalry, on Pakistan’s regional security strategies. This research attempts to identify ways Pakistan can increase its regional influence and further security stability of South Asia by analyzing short and long term internal and external factors.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pakistans-role-in-regional-security-challenges-and-opportunities-in-the-changing-geopolitical-landscape</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395644</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Effectiveness of Diplomatic Sanctions on Taliban and Compliance with International Human Rights Regime</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aamer Raza</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Urwa Sajjad Ahmed Abbasi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban Regime</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Sanctions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Rights</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research article intricately examines the nuanced landscape of sanctions within the broader context of statehood and international order. The investigation embarks on a comprehensive exploration of the case of the Taliban regime in the post-US withdrawal in 2021 from Afghanistan, meticulously unraveling the historical configuration and evolving geopolitical dynamics that underpin the subject. By critically assessing the effectiveness and lacunae of sanctions imposed on the Taliban regime post-US withdrawal in 2021, the study offers a discerning perspective on the intricate interplay between punitive measures, state governance, and the geopolitical stage. Investigating theoretical literature on diverse diplomatic policies, including sanctions and non-engagement, the research dissects the various approaches adopted within the diplomatic arena.This article thus contributes to the academic discourse by providing a comprehensive analysis of the multifaceted dimensions surrounding sanctions on the Taliban regime and offering a prospective pathway for fostering international human rights norms within Afghanistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer (Visiting), School of Politics and International Relations, Quaid e Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-effectiveness-of-diplomatic-sanctions-on-taliban-and-compliance-with-international-human-rights-regime</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395656</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Taiwan’s Strategic Role in US-China Geopolitical and Technological Rivalry</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sobia Hanif</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bushra Haider</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Samrana Afzal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Taiwan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US-China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitical</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Technological Rivalry</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Semiconductor Chips</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Taiwan&apos;s&apos; emergence as a technological hub rooted in its dominance of the semiconductor industry has placed it at the heart of the US-China rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region. This research examines the impact of Taiwan&apos;s leadership in semiconductor production on the geopolitical rivalry between the two major powers. Utilizing the Neo-realist framework, the paper underscores the importance of Taiwan&apos;s centrality in defining the future of technological governance and strategic stability in the region. The research is guided by a qualitative research methodology using policy analysis and expert commentary. Findings suggest that as the US and China strive to establish control over chip production and acquire self-reliance, Taiwan&apos;s semiconductor industry will act both as a vulnerability and a silicon shield, indicating that its future security will be linked to the global balance of power.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Graduate, Department of International Relations, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/taiwans-strategic-role-in-uschina-geopolitical-and-technological-rivalry</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-I).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395667</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Afghan Taliban and TTP Nexus: Reshaping Pak-Afghan Bilateral Relations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nazik Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Arslan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>TTP</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bilateralism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan and Afghanistan are two neighboring states sharing both religious and cultural identities as well as multiple crossing points along their borders. Both countries have had ups and downs in their bilateral relations, however, the takeover of the Taliban in Afghanistan, the nexus between Taliban and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) led to intensifying security situations in Pakistan which ultimately resulted in tightening bilateral relations between the two countries. This paper uses a secondary qualitative research design where data has been collected from already existing sources and analyzed with the help of the content analysis method. The nexus between the Taliban and TTP is a result of factors such as religion, common ethnicity, and ideological monolith. TTP allegedly used Afghanistan soil to engage in terrorist activities against Pakistan which brought mistrust and uncertainty in bilateral relations between them.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/afghan-taliban-and-ttp-nexus-reshaping-pakafghan-bilateral-relations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-I).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395679</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Analysis of Confidence-Building Measures in India-Pakistan Relations: Pre-1999 Perspectives</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rashida Hanif</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adnan Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Confidence-Building Measures (CBMs)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Simla Agreement</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The purpose of this study is to discuss historical context of confidence building measures (CBMS) between India and Pakistan before 1999. This article delves into the development of CBMs from the post-partition era until the Kargil conflict in 1999, examining the significant initiatives, obstacles, and circumstances that influenced the process of building trust between India and Pakistan. Following the division, the two nations were involved in several conflicts, which greatly impacted their trust and cooperation. However, instances of diplomatic progress resulted in notable milestones, including the Tashkent agreement, the Simla agreement, and the Lahore declaration (1999). These initiatives primarily concentrated on enhancing military transparency, establishing communication channels (such as the hotline between military commanders), and fostering personal connections between individuals. Despite facing challenges such as political instability, terrorism, and mistrust, the pre-1999 CBMs provided a foundation for future discussions and stability.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/an-analysis-of-confidencebuilding-measures-in-indiapakistan-relations-pre1999-perspectives</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395719</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Dispute Resolution Mechanism of The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO): A Comparative Study of Legal Mechanisms</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tabinda Rani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shabir Ahmad Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Arbitration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Court of Justice</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Organizations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legal Mechanisms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>SCO Dispute Resolution Mechanism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s (SCO) expansion has increased opportunities; however it has also enhanced a myriad of challenges in the realm of dispute resolution and no comprehensive mechanism for addressing them exists. Many organizations according to the current research, rely on diplomatic involvement, compliance with international humanitarian law, legal courts, appellate tribunals, alternative dispute resolution (ADR), political discussion, mediation, agreements, negotiation, conciliation and diplomacy etc. This study attempts to explore how the Charter of SCO stipulates dispute resolution mechanisms (DRM) amongst memberstates? what conflict resolution methods do different international organizations employ? and what are the lacunae in SCO’s DRM? Through discourse and content analysis and  by utilizing doctrinal legal research methodology, this study concluded that charter lacks a comprehensive legal framework for addressing member states’ internal conflicts and disagreements.The study recommended that SCO needs to stipulate and employ on consensus, arbitration, courts, appellate bodies and administrative tribunals to settle their disputes.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Law, Hazara University Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Area Study Center (Russia, China &amp; Central Asia), University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/dispute-resolution-mechanism-of-the-shanghai-cooperation-organization-sco-a-comparative-study-of-legal-mechanisms</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
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<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395722</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Rise of Multi-polarity: Implications for Global Governance and International Security</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Qader</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muneeba Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Multipolarity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power Dynamics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security Arrangements</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>World Order</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The international system is currently passing through a fundamental change from a unipolar to a multipolar global order dominated by different strong states and non-state players. Indeed, the direction marks a significant turning point for global governance and international security. Multipolarity brings about chances and difficulties as it changes the configuration of power, economic relations, and security structures worldwide. In this paper, multipolarity is explored as it has risen, and its impacts on global governance structure and international security framework are scrutinized. The aim is to be able to, through a comprehensive analysis, present material on how multipolar world order is complex and how this actually affects global stability and cooperation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Mirpur University of Science and Technology, AJ&amp;K, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Politics &amp; IR, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-rise-of-multipolarity-implications-for-global-governance-and-international-security</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395735</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>India’s Technological Ascendancy in South Asia: Strategic, Security, and Geopolitical Challenges for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ahmad Farooq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sidra Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indo-Pakistani Rivalry</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military Modernization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Offensive Realism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security Dilemma</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Stability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitical Dynamics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nuclear Deterrence</dc:subject>
<dc:description>What India has achieved in acquiring, in hardly any time, next-generation weapon systems for future battlefields, hypersonic missile capability, warfare with artificial intelligence, cyber power, quantum computing, and space-based assets has suddenly changed the military-strategic landscape in the subcontinent and added to Indo-Pak rivalry, besides putting structures of nuclear deterrence under severe stress. Anchored in the lenses of offensive realism and security dilemma theories, the paper also examines the drivers of India&apos;s military modernization, its linear progression, and the multi-dimensional implications for Pakistan&apos;s defense policy and geostrategy. Specific focus is drawn to India&apos;s unilateral suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT). Results add to the growing narrative of the destabilization of strategic stability, intensified arms race kinetics, and environmental exposure, illustrating the need for active diplomacy, legal action, and asymmetric responses to encourage de-escalating trends in a nuclearized part of the world.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar (IR), Department of Politics and International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Politics and International Relations, International Islamic University Islamabad (IIUI), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Bahria University Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/indias-technological-ascendancy-in-south-asia-strategic-security-and-geopolitical-challenges-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395737</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Impact of Pak-Afghan Relations and Emergence of TTP on the Internal Security of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Raifat Ullah Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Tehrik-i-Taliban Pak (TTP)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Internal Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pak-Afghan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Emergence of TTP</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghan-Soviet War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study highlights the Impact of Pakistan-Afghan relations and the emergence of TTP on the internal security of Pakistan. The influence of TTP&apos;s emergence on Pakistan&apos;s internal security and its impact on the Pak-Afghan relationship. Additionally, it highlights the impact of the Cold War on Afghanistan&apos;s economic conditions and the rise in extremism. The impact of terrorism on Pakistan&apos;s internal security and overall regional influence on the Pak-Afghan relationship. This study also gave us insight into the impact of refugee migration on Pakistan&apos;s internal security and the rise in extremism in the region. The impact of U.S. withdrawal on Afghanistan TTP reemergence and internal security of Pakistan. The rise of violence in the border areas is also discussed in the study, which is a huge threat to the internal security of Pakistan and the Pak-Afghan relationship. The Afghan Taliban and the TTP&apos;s historical and ideological bond is the reason for the rise in extremist activities in the region. Reasons for mistrust and lack of economic dependence between the countries are also highlighted.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of International Relations, Muslim Youth University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/impact-of-pakafghan-relations-and-emergence-of-ttp-on-the-internal-security-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395741</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Impact of Pakistan&apos;s Domestic Political Instability on Regional Security and Diplomatic Relations in South Asia</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Irram Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nadeem Tariq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sadia Masood</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Political Instability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Diplomatic Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Consequently, the purpose of this study is to explore Pakistan&apos;s domestic political instability and its effects on its diplomacy as well as security in South Asia. Delays in political stability due to leading power rotation, military coup, and poor governance fluctuate the foreign policies of the country with many of its neighbors, including India, Afghanistan, and China. In fact, the study explores how changes in the distribution of power politics in Pakistan impact its security policies, its bilateral relations, and cooperation in the region. From the findings, it is clearly seen that political instability increases the military tensions, increases the level of extremism, and does not allow Pakistan to enter meaningful cooperation. Thus, the thesis of the study is that sustainable governance is necessary for Pakistan to build diplomatic relations and bring a positive result in the performance of security agreements in the region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Language, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Language, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Language, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-impact-of-pakistans-domestic-political-instability-on-regional-security-and-diplomatic-relations-in-south-asia</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395755</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Between the Balancing and Hedging? Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Behavior amid the US-China Power Struggle</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Azhar Waqar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Saeed Uzzaman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Great Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balancing</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hedging</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Dilemma</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Amid the US-China power struggle, this paper examines Pakistan&apos;s foreign policy challenges, its economic and military reliance on both great powers. Using structural realism, the analysis considers how great power competition drives states to either balance against rivals or adopt a hedging strategy to prevent dependence on a single power. Focusing on a mixed-method approach, this study employs an integrative review technique to analyze the data. Findings indicate that Pakistan holds a distinct status as an All-Weather Strategic Cooperative Partner and an ironclad friend of China, while also aligning with the US as a major non-NATO ally. Additionally, the expanding strategic partnership between the US and India is likely to impact Pakistan&apos;s foreign policy. The paper presents two potential scenarios: one in which Pakistan adopts a balancing strategy, and another in which it pursues a hedging strategy. Ultimately, Pakistan&apos;s efforts to secure its interests involve striking a balance between power and maintaining neutrality through hedging, reflecting its strategic dilemma.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar &amp; Lecturer, National University of Modern Languages, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/between-the-balancing-and-hedging-pakistans-foreign-policy-behavior-amid-the-uschina-power-struggle</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395742</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>A Comparative Study of Regional and Global Responses to the US Withdrawal from Afghanistan: Its Implications for Peace in Pakistan and Afghanistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Uzma Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Salma Rahim</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kanwal Noreen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>U.S. Withdrawal</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Responses</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security Dynamics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Humanitarian Crisis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitical Shifts</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the first part of this paper, the author analyzes the reaction of the global and regional communities after the USA&apos;s withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, and also discusses the impact on the stability plan in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The US withdrawal also brought a number of political realignments and security transformations along with economic modifications that resulted in a shift in many dynamics of the relations of Pakistan and China, and also India and Russia. Security threats and humanitarian crisis resulting from the withdrawal affect Afghanistan and place pressure on the country&apos;s foreign policy, which challenges Pakistan.. The research also shows that co-operation and withdrawal worked as a motive for both Pakistan and China to consolidate their regional power, but the situation in Afghanistan, which is characterized by insecurity, hinders the two nations when it comes to peace and development of their countries individually.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/a-comparative-study-of-regional-and-global-responses-to-the-us-withdrawal-from-afghanistan-its-implications-for-peace-in-pakistan-and-afghanistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-III).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395825</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Changing Dynamics of Pakistan’s Relations with the Former Soviet Union, 1947-91</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mohammad Ayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saqib Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kiramat Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Communist</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cold War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-Strategic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mujahideen</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Soviet Union</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Throughout the Cold War era (1947-91) relationship between Pakistan and the Soviet Union fluctuated up and down. Due to the important geo-strategic location, and rivalry with India, Pakistan was compelled to join Southeast Atlantic Treaty Organization (SEATO) and Central Treaty Organization (CENTO). Tensure its security requirements Pakistan needed a friend who could help in internal and external security issues. Thus, Pakistan became a front-line state against Soviet Union after its invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, and therefore, had strained relations with Moscow throughout Cold War era. However, despite Pakistan’s alliance against communist expansion the US imposed embargo on providing weapons to Pakistan during 1965, and 1971 war with India. Consequently, Pakistan had to chang her foreign policy and due to changing geo-economic dynamics was forced to mend relations with USSR. This research paper seeks to explore the historical relationship between Pakistan and the Soviet Union during the cold war period.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer/In-Charge/Chairperson, Department of Pakistan Studies, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology KUST, Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Pakistan Studies, Government Degree College Shakardara, Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology KUST, Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-changing-dynamics-of-pakistans-relations-with-the-former-soviet-union-194791</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-III).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395828</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pak-Afghan Drug Trafficking and Its Impacts on Pakistani Youth</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Juliyana Usman Wachani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noureen Bibi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>DRUG Trafficking</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Youth Addiction</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Addiction Impacts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Law Enforcement Agencies</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The complex issue of Pak-Afghan drug trafficking and its devastating impacts on Pakistani youth have been examined in this research study.  The drug trafficking problem was exacerbated due to the strained relations, such as mistrust, negligence on the border lines, and external pressure between the countries. The aim of this study is to highlight the critical need to address the issue of drug trafficking and its repercussions on the young generation of Pakistan, who are increasingly vulnerable to substance abuse. In this study, the root causes and consequences of this issue are explored for a deeper understanding of the Pak-Afghan drug trafficking nexus and to inform effective policy interventions to mitigate its impact on Pakistani youth.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Raunaq-e-Islam Govt College For Women, Kharadar Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Women University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pakafghan-drug-trafficking-and-its-impacts-on-pakistani-youth</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-III).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395836</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>National Security, Artificial Intelligence, and Sovereignty beyond Earth: Reconstructing the Legal Architecture of Space Intelligence Networks</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bakht Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ali Nawaz Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ahmed Raza</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Artificial Intelligence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Space Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sovereignty</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Accountability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Liability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Outer Space Treaty</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>AI Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Artificial intelligence (AI) is now a determining factor in the development of outer-space operations. The national security, intelligence and early warning systems are currently under the influence of autonomous satellites, constellations of sensors, and deep-learning algorithms. However, the existing legal framework, which is based on the Outer Space Treaty of 1967, is insufficient to support the transparency and autonomy of AI. The article analyzes the challenges of sovereignty and accountability faced by states due to algorithmic decision-making. It reclaims the legal framework of space intelligence networks by proposing a stratified structure of sovereignty, along with physical, algorithmic, and institutional novelty, such as a Space Intelligence Authority. Based on comparative space law, AI governance theory, and normative fairness analysis, this paper proposes a design of a regulatory framework for space-based intelligence that not only pertains to the control of the territory but also addresses the algorithmic and AI-based decision-making in space.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Postdoctoral Fellow, The University of Kansas School of Law, USA.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, University Law College, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>LLM Scholar, Pennsylvania State University, USA.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/national-security-artificial-intelligence-and-sovereignty-beyond-earth-reconstructing-the-legal-architecture-of-space-intelligence-networks</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-III).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395837</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>US-Saudi Relations: A Comparative Study of Trump and Biden Administrations (2017-2024)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zaiba Sarwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asma Rashid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Strained Relationships</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security Problems</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Oil Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Priority Visit</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Changing Dynamics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Middle Eastern Region</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cordial Relationship</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Rights Issues</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan and Afghanistan are two neighboring states sharing both religious and cultural identities as well as multiple crossing points along their borders. Both countries have had ups and downs in their bilateral relations; however, the takeover of the Taliban in Afghanistan, the nexus between the Taliban and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), led to an intensifying security situation in Pakistan, which ultimately resulted in tightening bilateral relations between the two countries. This paper uses a secondary qualitative research design where data have been collected from already existing sources and analyzed with the help of the content analysis method. The nexus between the Taliban and TTP is a result of factors such as religion, common ethnicity, and ideological monolith. TTP allegedly used Afghanistan soil to engage in terrorist activities against Pakistan, which brought mistrust and uncertainty in bilateral relations between them.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Politics &amp; International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Politics &amp; International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/us-saudi-relations-a-comparative-study-of-trump-and-biden-administrations-20172024</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-III).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395839</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Economic Competition between the US and China during the Presidencies of Donald Trump and Joe Biden: A Comparative Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Israr Rasool</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adnan Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>America First Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>IPEF</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>WTO</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indo-Pacific</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper analyzes the economic rivalry between America and China in terms of the Trump and Biden presidencies. The United States under Trump (2017-2021) was led by an aggressive, America First policy, which is characterised by trade war tension, tariffs, and a priority of curbing the American trade deficit with China. The introduction of tariffs caused poor relations and an economic imbalance, whereas the attempts to decouple supply chains and block Chinese tech companies were manifestations of a more extensive policy of suppressing the economic growth of China.  Although restoring some of the tariffs under the Trump administration, Biden has focused on strategic competition by utilising a more collaborative international system, such as the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) and re-entry into the World Trade Organisation (WTO). In this paper, a comparison of the major policies and strategic contrasts between the two administrations to their relations and overall international economic dynamics.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/economic-competition-between-the-us-and-china-during-the-presidencies-of-donald-trump-and-joe-biden-a-comparative-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-III).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395840</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Trade Corridors and Cross-Border Threats: An Analytical Study of Afghanistan’s Reliance on Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nimra Khalil</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Qasim Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Farwa Imtiaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Transit Corridors</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Interdependence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Smuggling Networks</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>APTTA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan–Pakistan Relations.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper looks into the dependence of Afghanistan on Pakistan as the main transit route and how the interdependency of trade cuts across the rising transboundary security issues. Being a landlocked country, Afghanistan relies on the ports of Pakistan, as its location is superior, its infrastructure better, and the cost is lower than in Iran or Central Asia. The study provides an analytical examination of geography, transit law, and Afghanistan-Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement (APTTA) to show that Pakistan has in the past given broader economic facilitation to Afghanistan, but relations have been under strain due to chronic problems such as smuggling, diversion of transit goods and militant activity. Recent anti-smuggling crackdowns and security-related restrictions enforced by Pakistan are thus attempts to reduce abuse,  not legitimate trade. It is concluded in the paper that durable transit collaboration demands that Afghanistan responds to Pakistan’s security issues.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Researcher, BS Mass Communication, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD, COMSATS University, Abbottabad, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Mphil Scholar, Department of Peace And Conflict Studies, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/trade-corridors-and-crossborder-threats-an-analytical-study-of-afghanistans-reliance-on-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-III).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395899</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Russia-Ukraine War and Its Impact on Global Security</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sadia Fayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Russia-Ukraine War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NATO</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cyber warfare</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Energy Crisis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arms Control</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Multilateral Institutions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Order</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Russia-Ukraine conflict has created fundamental changes in worldwide security systems by demonstrating institutional limitations.. The 2022 full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine gave rise to a new Cold War situation which expanded NATO membership and accentuated the strategic rift separating democratic powers from authoritarian systems. This paper evaluates various security consequences of the conflict that extend from Eastern European military deployments to global energy market instability and loss of arms regulation systems. The research studies institutional reactions of NATO together with the EU and United Nations as well as tracks the progression of warfare threats through cyber, nuclear and hybrid domains. Realism and constructivism are used as theoretical frameworks in the study to explain the relationship between the state behavior, national identity and power politics in the multi-polar world and the policies on security.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-russiaukraine-war-and-its-impact-on-global-security</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-III).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395843</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Great-Power Competition in the Indo-Pacific: Shifting Alignments and Strategic Calculations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Waqar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adnan Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bilal Bin Liaqat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indo-Pacific</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Great-Power Competition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>United States</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Alignments</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security Architecture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Quad</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>AUKUS</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Order</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The current geopolitical scenario between the United States and China brings to the forefront the key role played by the Indo-Pacific in the geopolitical rivalries of the 21st century. In addition to evolving security dynamics and economic interdependence, India, Japan, Australia, and the ASEAN member states are regional powers that are reshaping their foreign policy in order to deal with these threats. This research focuses on the key pivots of the Indo-Pacific and the effects of great-power rivalry on the region&apos;s strategies, security frameworks, and diplomacy. The research, based on qualitative methods and primary and secondary sources, identifies the increasing use of minimum alignments, technological collaboration, and mini-lateral partnerships as the regional states&apos; best means of geopolitical hedging to maintain their strategic autonomy. The Indo-Pacific will remain a contested multi-polar region that is characterized by security and geo-economic competition.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/greatpower-competition-in-the-indopacific-shifting-alignments-and-strategic-calculations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395853</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Securitisation of the Climate Crisis in Pakistan’s Media Discourse: A Case Study of Glacial Melting</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Urooj Jamal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fatima Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Qasim Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Climate Securitisation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Glacier Melting</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistani Newspaper Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Framing of National Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Communication of Climatic Risks</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistani Hindu Karakoram Himalaya</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Climate Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>GLOF Hazards</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper will discuss the ways the Pakistani print media and the governmental communication discuss glacial melting and the crisis of climate change as a threat to national security during 2022-2025. The study presents the use of scientific evidence in justifying securitised narratives through qualitative analysis of  Dawn, The Express Tribune, official statements, NDMA alerts, and research findings regarding Dawn. The melting of glaciers is always projected as a threat to water security, economic stability, hydropower, as well as to the safety of people. These frames are strengthened by government rhetoric to support the need to adapt, institutional change, and finance climate change. All in all, the paper is a valuable addition to the existing body of literature on the theme of climate securitisation in the Global South because it proves that the constructions of climate change as a nation-survival issue are a collective effort by Pakistani media and state actors.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Riphah Institute of Media Sciences, Riphah International University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Riphah Institute of Media Sciences, Riphah International University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD, Department of Developmental Sciences, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/securitisation-of-the-climate-crisis-in-pakistans-media-discourse-a-case-study-of-glacial-melting</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395861</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Contextualization of Socio-Cultural Implications of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor on Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Yaser Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Chinese</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Socio-cultural</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Influence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dress</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Language</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gwadar.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a project of socio-economic development influencing diplomacy mainly through maritime geopolitics. Being a flagship project of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), it is not only significant for China and Pakistan but also for Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas. The project is a vital part of the Chinese BRI as it encompasses Gwadar Port, which is its most vibrant component. It is envisioned that CPEC will usher in an era of economic prosperity and diplomatic strength for Pakistan. However, apart from discussing the economic, industrial, and military interest there was a need to analyse the facet of socio-economic development and the possible cultural implications of CPEC on Pakistan. The influx of the Chinese workforce consists of both genders, which is thought to have social and cultural influence in Pakistan. Hence, it was prudent to appreciate the social influence of CPEC in Pakistan with a view to formulating pragmatic policies.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Senior Research Fellow, Environ Monitor.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/contextualization-of-sociocultural-implications-of-chinapakistan-economic-corridor-on-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395887</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>International Law as A Strategic Resource for Nordic Small States: Do Arctic Governance Frameworks Compensate for Limited Power?</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ahmad Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>International Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arctic Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Small State Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Institutional Liberalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>legal institutionalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Small States.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The report focuses on the extent to which the Arctic systems of governance have enabled the Nordic small states, that is, Iceland, Finland, and Norway, to balance their merger material power by strategically exploiting the international law. The analysis has been done on the basis of the Small State Theory and is supplemented by Institutional Liberalism and legal institutionalism based on a qualitative comparative case study. The results demonstrate that the international law and the institutional frames connected with it are indeed considered as a relevant strategic resource that enables these states to augment their influence by means of legal expertise, agenda-setting, and norm entrepreneurship.  It is concluded in the report that although Arctic governance offers a singularly predisposed surrounding to the impact of the small states, law is a facilitative mechanism instead of an equalizing one, with its effectiveness determined by the matter area and the political geography.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Bachelors in Laws (LLB), University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/international-law-as-a-strategic-resource-for-nordic-small-states-do-arctic-governance-frameworks-compensate-for-limited-power</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395898</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Assessing the Impact of the Hamas-Israel Conflict (2023-2025) on Islamic Republic of Iran</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Kanwal Sanam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sadia Fayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Hamas–Israel conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Iran</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>axis of resistance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>proxy warfare</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>missile exchanges</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Operation Rising Lion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Middle East security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>regional escalation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Major Power Rivalry.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper examines how the Hamas-Israel conflict of 2023-2025 changed the role of Iran in the region, domestic policy and its security policy. It relies on qualitative analysis of secondary literature in evaluating the long term dependency of Tehran on the axis of resistance, the escalation of economic sanctions, and the shift of proxy threats to direct military confrontations with Israel which involves missile attacks and mass strikes against nuclear and energy installations. The paper also examines domestic socio economic pressures and legitimacy issues in Iran, conventional military constraints, and puts the confrontation between Iran and Israel into broader strategic conflicts between the United States, Russia, China and the gulf monarchies.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of Political Science, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/assessing-the-impact-of-the-hamasisrael-conflict-20232025-on-islamic-republic-of-iran</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2025(VIII-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395903</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Economic Integration and Geopolitical Implications of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Javed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Special Economic Zones (SEZs)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indian Ocean</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor(CPEC)is one of the significant elements of the China Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) that is expected to enhance connectivity, trade, and economic integration within the territory of South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East. The article examines the two aspects of CPEC, the geopolitical and economic ones, which evaluate the potential influence of CPEC on the change of the development pattern in Pakistan and the strategic role of China. In terms of the economy, CPEC will definitely modify the infrastructure in Pakistan, solve its long-term problems with energy crises, and stimulate industrial growth through special economic zones(SEZs).The paper emphasizes the fact that CPEC is not only an economic initiative, but it is also a strategic alliance that reinvents the balance of power in South Asia. CPEC highlights the interdependence, as it is complicated to separate and choose between economics and security in modern international relations.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/economic-integration-and-geopolitical-implications-of-the-chinapakistan-economic-corridor-cpec</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395929</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Palestine-Israel Conflict through the Lens of Realism</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aisha Nayab Qureshi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Saad Arshad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zaiba Sarwar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Palestine</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Israel</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Realism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article discusses how power dynamics, national interests and security concerns determine the Palestine-Israel conflict, through the two sides’ actions. The study draws on principles of realist thought, including the sovereign voice of the state, the balance of power and self help in evaluating historical and contemporary motivating forces for the conflict. This examines the link between Israel’s efforts for territorial security and Palestinian pursuit of statehood as being predicated on opposite national interests. The article makes use of secondary sources and uses a qualitative analysis to show the importance of military strength, alliances and regional instability. The pragmatic lens of realist perspective helps explain the persistent deadlock because both parties care extremely about survival and self interest and not willing to cooperate. In the end, the article makes the argument that any lasting peace in the region cannot be addressed without resolving these core realist concerns.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, University of Haripur, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Politics &amp; International Relations, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/palestineisrael-conflict-through-the-lens-of-realism</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395940</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Geopolitical Importance of Pakistan in Relations to the U.S and China</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ziarat Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Anwar Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>United States</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research critically examines Pakistan&apos;s evolving geopolitical significance within its complex relationships with the United States and China. The study analyzes how Pakistan&apos;s unique strategic location, historical alliances, and contemporary economic and security interests position it as a key player in the regional and global power competition between these two influential countries. Employing a comprehensive literature review, the investigation synthesizes insights from academic articles, reports, and policy analyses to construct a nuanced understanding. The paper traces Pakistan&apos;s historical alliance with the U.S. during the Cold War and the War on Terror, noting changes post-U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. It highlights the growing partnership with China, particularly through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which boosts Pakistan&apos;s infrastructure while serving China&apos;s interests. The research discusses Pakistan&apos;s balancing act between both nations to address security concerns, especially regarding India, amid a changing global landscape, emphasizing the challenges and opportunities in maintaining this geopolitical balance.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of Political Science, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-geopolitical-importance-of-pakistan-in-relations-to-the-us-and-china</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395965</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Evaluating the Impact of Climate Change on Socio-Economic Environments and Maritime Geopolitics</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hasan Yaser Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rabail Zareen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Climate Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Health</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Food</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Agriculture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geographical Zones</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Maritime Geopolitics and Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the prevailing century and even centuries to come, the world will continue to face challenges in the form of Climate Change, which is already impacting all the spheres of human life, ranging from the ecosystem, financial aspects, health, environments, agriculture, livestock, food security and maritime geopolitics. The aspect of Climate Change is also resulting in the rise in temperature, causing various challenges in different geographical zones, leading to severe weather conditions affecting health and food safety. Such challenges are not only threatening the socio –economic facets of human life but are also impacting the global geopolitics. Climate change is making the entire ecological system vulnerable to the aforementioned challenges, requiring early intervention to reduce their impact for a continuous and sustainable availability of all human provisions and safety. This entails the need to have and adopt a pragmatic policy to overcome such challenges in a prudent manner. </dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Maritime Centre of Excellence.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Editor, The Environ Monitor.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/evaluating-the-impact-of-climate-change-on-socioeconomic-environments-and-maritime-geopolitics</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395969</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan&apos;s Foreign Policy Challenges and US-Iran Tensions</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Kaleem Imam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zeeshan Shafique Siddiqui</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Balancing Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Energy Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Stability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Autonomy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US–Iran Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The conflict involving the United States, Israel, and Iran presents Pakistan with complex foreign policy challenges across diplomatic, security, economic, and domestic dimensions. Pakistan&apos;s geographic proximity and historical ties with Iran, alongside its strategic relations with the United States and Gulf states, create a delicate balancing situation. Pakistan has called for restraint, dialogue, and a peaceful resolution, urging the United Nations Security Council to play an active role, while also strengthening border security and issuing advisories for its nationals. This study analyzes the global implications of the conflict, including impacts on energy markets, geopolitical alignments, and regional security. It examines the challenges faced by Pakistan in balancing major power relations and managing economic and security pressures, and explores its potential mediatory role. The study concludes that Pakistan must pursue a balanced, pragmatic foreign policy focused on diplomacy, regional cooperation, and internal stability.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ex-Federal Secretary Ministry of Narcotics Control/IGP/UN Police Commissioner.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>SSP, Sindh Police, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pakistans-foreign-policy-challenges-and-usiran-tensions</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395970</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan-Afghanistan Relations after the US Withdrawal from Afghanistan (2021)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Anwar Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan–Afghanistan Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US Withdrawal 2021</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Counterterrorism Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The United States&apos; departure from Afghanistan in August 2021 reshaped the region&apos;s geopolitical landscape. This research analyses how relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan have changed in the post-withdrawal era, clarifying the issues involved, including the range of security concerns, political confrontations, and the scope and form of potential collaboration. Using secondary data, the research reveals that, despite initial hopes for improved relations under the Taliban, relations have continued to deteriorate because of terrorism, border disputes, and mistrust. The research concludes with suggestions for improving relations between the two countries and regional peace.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Political Science, Government College University, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/pakistanafghanistan-relations-after-the-us-withdrawal-from-afghanistan-2021</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
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<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395979</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
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<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Unlikely Broker: Pakistan’s diplomatic breakthrough in the US-Iran conflict (2026) Diplomatic strategy, Institutional Architecture, and Mediation by Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aisha Rasool</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ajia Niazi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>USA-Iran Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan’s Role</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ceasefire</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Asim Munir</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Shahbaz Sharif</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The diplomatic vacuum created by the conflict between the US and Iran on 28 February was a shock to the world, and no state was ready to fill that vacuum without the loss of its credibility. At this critical moment, Pakistan, a country having good relations with both states, came forward and successfully brokered a two-week ceasefire, announced on 8 April 2026, following weeks of devastating military confrontation. Pakistan officially hosted the US and Iran in Islamabad on 11 April 2026, which marked the first direct talks between the two states in 47 years. This paper analyses Pakistan’s mediating role in a major twenty-first-century geopolitical conflict, examining its historical background and dynamics. The strategies used by Pakistan and the institutional development in Pakistan regarding mediation, particularly the International Mediation and Arbitration Centre and the ADR reforms, support Pakistan’s expanding role in domestic and international dispute resolution.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Senior Consultant and Head of Research and Opinion Wing, Ministry of Law and Justice, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Associate, Ministry of Law and Justice, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/the-unlikely-broker-pakistans-diplomatic-breakthrough-in-the-usiran-conflict-2026-diplomatic-strategy-institutional-architecture-and-mediation-by-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395981</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Competing for Influence: Us-China Soft Power Strategies in South Africa</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Virda Hayyat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Urwa Nasir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bilal Bin Liaqat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Soft Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>U.S. China Competition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Africa</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>BRICS</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Africa</dc:subject>
<dc:description>South Africa is the center of world strategic rivalry, where the United States and China use opposite soft power strategies to increase their dominance. This paper examines how these two powers use soft power to assert greater influence in South Africa, the most industrialized African country and a powerful state in BRICS. The involvement can be predominantly defined as China Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects, infrastructure investments and cultural diplomacy and the US with regards to the democratic government, institutional cooperation, and education. It will also look at the South African perception of the emerging U.S. China competition and how it manages to maneuver its national interests and strategic independence. The qualitative research is related to the comprehension of how this competition is formed in the orientation of South Africa foreign policy, regional leadership, and place in the changing global power system.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/competing-for-influence-uschina-soft-power-strategies-in-south-africa</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395982</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Power Transition Theory and the Global Power Hierarchy: Analyzing Sino-American Power Politics in Indo-Pacific Region during 2017-2025</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nazik Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ayesha Amjad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Power transition theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power Competition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>USA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indo-Pacific</dc:subject>
<dc:description>While analyzing the power dynamics, order and hierarchy in the international system, academic scholars and researchers have laid stress on the great powers and considered other states as sub-structural units of the international system. The competition between USA and China in the Indo-pacific region has led the regional in the region to configure their foreign policies to take advantage and hedge against potential risks posed by the Sino-American power competition in the region. This power transformation can be best understood with the help of power transition theory which states that hegemony of a dominant power is challenged by a great power and hence the international political system is hierarchical rather than being anarchic. This qualitative study aims to address the power competition between USA  and China in the Indo-pacific region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/power-transition-theory-and-the-global-power-hierarchy-analyzing-sinoamerican-power-politics-in-indopacific-region-during-20172025</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395985</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Importance of Taiwan for Western World: An Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Umar Farooq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Urwa Nasir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Anwar Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Taiwan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Semiconductors</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Western Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>U.S.–China Rivalry</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indo-Pacific</dc:subject>
<dc:description>China-Taiwan relations are among the most sensitive in the world. Taiwan’s strategic location in the Western Pacific, coupled with its technological capabilities, makes it an important area of interest to Western powers, especially the United States, and to the European Union, because of its economic potential. The focus of this paper is on Taiwan&apos;s importance within the context of security, the interconnectedness of economies, and technological supply chains. It explores how the semiconductor industry, trade routes, and Taiwan’s geopolitical location affect Western countries’ defensive, economic and strategic considerations, including possible dangers and the stakes if any further escalation in the Taiwan Strait occurs.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of Political Science, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/importance-of-taiwan-for-western-world-an-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395990</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Geo-strategic and Political Importance of Pakistan and Iran: An Analysis of Prime Minister Shabaz Sharif ERA (2024-2026)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Haram Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bilal Bin Liaqat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Imran Wakil</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan and Iran Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Shahbaz Sharif Government</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Importance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Importance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trade Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Stability</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The study examines relations between Pakistan and Iran. This research analyzes the political, economic, security, and diplomatic dimensions between the two countries. The period began with the tension of the border when both countries conducted air strikes on the border, and meetings has arranged between the Iranian president and Pakistan, and they emphasized trade and in Energy sector, and on regional connectivity. Both countries expanded bilateral relations, enhanced security cooperation, while Pakistan mediated with the US, reflecting strengthened ties, regional geostrategic importance linking the Middle East and South Asia, despite shared challenges. Iran faced U.S sanctions and it effect on the Pakistan energy projects, and both countries faced border strikes and it also effect on Pak -Iran Relation The study concludes that the Shahbaz Shrif government adopts a neutral foreign policy because Pakistan protects its natural interests, and although some challenges are also unsolved, like gas line projects.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/geostrategic-and-political-importance-of-pakistan-and-iran-an-analysis-of-prime-minister-shabaz-sharif-era-20242026</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gfprjournal.com:395996</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gfpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Framing the Neo-Taliban Regime: International Media’s Role in Shaping Regional Perceptions and Politics</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Ghafoor</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mirwais Kasi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adil Zaman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Neo-Taliban regime; international media; Media narratives; Pakistan; Afghanistan; Indo Afghanistan relations; regional politics; media framing; legitimacy; South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper examines international media coverage of the Neo-Taliban regime and its influence on regional political perceptions and discourse. Since the Taliban’s resurgence in August 2021, global narratives have shaped debates on security, human rights, and stability in South Asia. Using qualitative content analysis, the study draws on framing literature and discourse analyses from outlets such as The Economist, the BBC, and regional media in Pakistan and India. Unlike earlier descriptive accounts, this research situates findings within political communication and international relations debates, employing framing theory, constructivism, and agenda-setting. Results reveal recurring frames, including security and terrorism, human rights and women’s rights, governance and legitimacy, and humanitarian crisis, that construct specific images of the Taliban, influencing Indo-Afghan relations and Pakistan’s strategic stance. By linking media discourses to broader geopolitical contexts, the study highlights the constitutive role of international media in shaping notions of legitimacy,threat, and engagement in South Asian politics.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, University of Loralai, Zar Karez, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of International Relations, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gfprjournal.com/article/framing-the-neotaliban-regime-international-medias-role-in-shaping-regional-perceptions-and-politics</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2026(IX-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Foreign Policies Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
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